Category: Fact-Check

  • Fatti: Do Traditional Maltese Hobbies Need Protection From Environmental Legislation?

    Fatti: Do Traditional Maltese Hobbies Need Protection From Environmental Legislation?

    • The ruling Labour Party (PL) promised constitutional protection for traditional hobbies after the Nationalist Party (PN) proposed a constitutional right to a clean and sustainable environment.
    • Constitutional protections against environmental crimes are non-enforceable in court, and penalties are mild. 
    • Malta already has legal tools to protect traditions under UNESCO’s Convention and the Cultural Heritage Act, but hunting, trapping, fireworks and shooting are not listed as intangible heritage.
    • Many traditional Maltese pastimes rely on open spaces, from fireworks and hunting to village feasts, meaning both environmental degradation and overdevelopment threaten them more directly than environmental laws do.
    • Any Maltese law that breaches EU law is unconstitutional, meaning constitutional protection could not shield practices like bird trapping, which the EU Court has ruled illegal.
    • Spain legally protects traditional bullfighting, and Canada, Australia and New Zealand legally recognise traditional native hunting and fishing, but in court it is up to  defendants to prove they were practising traditional hunting or fishing.
    • The Constitutional Court’s rulings are not automatically binding, so constitutional “protection” offers little practical security for either hobbies or the environment.
    • Overall, claims that only constitutional protection can safeguard hobbies are politically convenient but legally weak.

    From hunting and fireworks to village feasts, many Maltese pastimes depend on open spaces. In the wake of the opposition Nationalist Party’s (PN) voted-down attempt to enshrine the right to live in a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment, Prime Minister Robert Abela pledged constitutional safeguards for traditional hobbies, portraying his party as their only “guarantee.”

    The debate has pitted environmental protection against the preservation of tradition. But is that really the case? And has “constitutional protection” become a buzzword that means little in practice?

    On 12th October, Prime Minister Robert Abela promised constitutional protections for traditional hobbies and said that the Labour Party is the only guarantee for amateurs and hobbyists. 

    He did so in reaction to the opposition’s motion to enshrine a right to a clean and sustainable environment as a constitutional right.

    Abela told the Times of Malta that this proposal was “contrary to what others tried to do, who attempted to take away that protection and deprive [hobbyists] of their pastime.”

    Prime Minister Robert Abela. Photo credit: DOI

    Abela also said that he would offer constitutional safeguards to ‘all traditions’, including hunting and trapping during a limited season.

    “We know the challenges hunting and trapping face locally and in Europe. But traditions like fireworks, feasts, and sports, sometimes taken for granted,” are now at risk, Labour Party MEP Alex Agius Saliba said.

    Alex Agius Saliba
    Alex Agius Saliba. Photo credit: European Parliament

    “Will this give me, as a citizen, the right to play hopscotch out in the streets, as we used to in the past?” Birdlife Malta’s Darryl Grima told the Malta Independent.

    A green paper published by the government after the PN’s the proposal claimed “Safeguarding the environment is a national priority” and that “the country’s commitment to environmental protection is demonstrated through a robust framework of constitutional provisions and international legal agreements.”

    According to reports, Parliamentary Secretary for Reforms Rebecca Buttigieg claimed on national TV that the environment as a human right was already in the constitution, which is not the case.

    The government’s proposal and protection of tradition:

    Malta’s government is yet to present a bill regarding the constitutional protection of hobbies.

    In its 2022 electoral manifesto, the PL had a section on recreation and hobbies. It made promises for caravan, camping and picnic enthusiasts, and promised green networks for ramblers, hikers and all those who visit the Maltese countryside.” It also mentioned amateur fishing and promised safeguarding “equal and equitable” hunting and trapping in line with EU directives.

    However, several safeguards are already available.

    Malta has ratified UNESCO’s Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. “Intangible cultural heritage” can refer to social practices, rituals and festive events, and the signatory countries are committed to “take the necessary measures to ensure the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage present in its territory”. 

    Malta’s Cultural Heritage Act defines cultural heritage as including “intangible cultural assets comprising arts, traditions, customs and skills employed in the performing arts, in applied arts and in crafts and other intangible assets which have a historical, artistic or ethnographic value”.

    According to this law, “every citizen of Malta as well as every person present in Malta shall have the duty of protecting the cultural heritage as well as the right to benefit from this cultural heritage through learning and enjoyment.”

    The state, in turn, “shall have the duty of establishing and maintaining administrative and regulatory structures of superintendence so as to ensure that this heritage is protected and conserved”.

    Malta’s inventory of intangible heritage includes the traditional village feast, falconry, sea salt harvesting and other practices, but not fireworks, hunting, trapping and shooting.

    Malta had the option to sign the Council of Europe’s Faro Convention, which defines cultural heritage and demands that “exercise of the right to cultural heritage may be subject only to those restrictions which are necessary in a democratic society for the protection of the public interest and the rights and freedoms of others.” But it did not sign it.

    It is unclear how the constitutional protection would address challenges of high population density and fragmented land.

    Speaking at a Labour Party event, Lucas Micallef, president of the National Association of Hunters and Trappers (FKNK), said, “If we do not have a natural environment to go to, if we do not have rural spaces, we cannot practice what we love so much.”

    What’s happened abroad?

    Specifically on hunting, different legal traditions exist in Europe. Polish academics have noted that falconry, for example, is “is considered to be a form of intangible heritage manifested in knowledge and practices regarding nature and the universe”, but English fox hunting with dogs is not and has been banned. 

    “The heritage cultivated by hunters should not be reduced to some open-air folk museum. It should be a living element valuable for the cultural cohesion of local communities, their connections and sensitivity to the natural environment,” the authors argued.

    Canada, Australia and New Zealand legally recognise traditional native hunting and fishing, but their criminal systems impose “burden of proof of traditional practice as a defence”.

    Spanish law protects bullfighting as heritage

    In 2013, Spain adopted a law to enshrine bullfighting as a heritage practice – the law is still in force despite a petition for the “No Es Mi Cultura” campaign to remove the protections gathering over 700,000 signatures, according to the campaign organisers.

    The law establishes that the government must guarantee Spaniards the right to practise bullfighting freely, subject to applicable regulations. Bulls used for fighting, as well as hunting dogs, are excluded under the 2023 national animal welfare law.

    PN’s proposal

    PN’s bill, presented by Darren Carabott, was debated in two parliamentary sessions. It aimed to add the environment among rights to ‘enjoy’ alongside property and the protection of the law. 

    “All persons in Malta shall have the right to live in a clean, healthy and sustainable environment,” the proposed article read.

    It specified that “a person bringing such an action shall not be required to show any personal interest” when pursuing contravening actions.

    MP Darren Carabott. Photo credit: DOI

    The Opposition’s proposal had courted significant criticism from the government and lobbyists, some of which were tabled in parliament. These included The National Band Clubs Association, The Malta Maritime Forum, FKNK, The Malta Shooting Sport Federation, and the football association. 

    Kaċċaturi San Ubertu, another hunters’ organisation, voiced its support for making the protection of the environment constitutionally enforceable, but added that “if environmental rights are to be recognised in the Constitution, then the same consideration should be given to the incorporation of the right to practice traditional and regulated hunting and trapping.”

    The opposition’s proposal was shot down in Parliament with 32 votes in favour, and 40 against. PL MPs all voted against the proposal.

    Caged finches used as live decoys. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    A right to clean, healthy and sustainable environment was promised in PN’s 2023 guidelines. The proposed bill defined environment as including “the social conditions, aesthetic coherence and cultural attributes”. 

    On hobbies, the PN’s electoral manifesto singled out “festivals, celebrations, and other manifestations”, and promised to “take all the necessary decisions not only to prevent these habits from being lost but to strengthen them.” It did not mention hunting and trapping.

    Legal protections of the environment

    Currently, Malta’s constitution states that “the State shall protect and conserve the environment and its resources for the benefit of the present and future generations and shall take measures to address any form of environmental degradation in Malta” in Declaration of principles, which are not enforceable in court.

    In comparison:

    • The Spanish constitution contains the clause that “Everyone has the right to enjoy an environment suitable for personal development”;
    • The Greek constitution enshrines a right to a natural environment;
    • The Portuguese constitution protects the right to a “healthy and ecologically balanced human living environment”;
    • The Slovak constitution establishes that “Everyone has the right to a favourable environment” and “No one may endanger, or damage the environment, natural resources, and the cultural heritage beyond the extent laid down by law”.

    In a 2022 resolution, the UN’s General Assembly recognised “the right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment as a human right”.

    Malta has the Environment Protection Act. It stipulates that “It shall be the duty of every person and entity, whether public or private, to protect the environment” and “It shall be the duty of the Government to protect the environment for the benefit of the present and future generations”. Those provisions are not enforceable in court.

    The Crimes against the Environment Act lists several offences that include radiation, pollution, and the destruction or trading in protected species.

    If the crime does not harm humans, the punishment is set at “imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine (multa) not exceeding one thousand euro.”

    The government’s green paper acknowledges that “evolving challenges such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and pressures on natural resources demand further strengthening of existing laws” and that “Responsible execution also entails collaboration with citizens, businesses, and eNGOs so that compliance becomes part of a shared culture of environmental responsibility.” It does not mention courts, police or environmental crime.

    Is the constitution an effective safeguard?

    When Malta joined the European Union, the European Union Act gave EU law supremacy over Maltese law. It specifies that any Maltese law conflicting with Malta’s EU obligations or with rights derived from EU law is “without effect and unenforceable.” 

    EU Law vs Malta’s Constitution 

    For Malta, bird trapping is a clear instance where traditional hobbies clash with EU law.

    According to the jurisprudence of the Maltese Constitutional Court, a law that breaches EU law is contrary to the Constitution. Last year, the Court of Justice ruled that the bird trapping derogation is in breach of EU law.

    If a right to traditional hobbies were added to the constitution, but the practice of those hobbies clashed with EU law, the constitutional ambiguity would have to be either anticipated and addressed in legislation or resolved in case law, potentially inundating the Constitutional Court.

    Manoel Island Malta

    Implementation

    Meanwhile, there are regular concerns over the applicability of constitutional court decisions in Malta to actual legislation.

    The constitution contains Chapter II, in which “The provisions […] shall not be enforceable in any court, but […] it shall be the aim of the State to apply these principles in making laws.”

    In its latest rule of law report, the European Commission highlighted that it is “up to Parliament to repeal or amend laws found unconstitutional”.

    This means that “unconstitutional laws remain valid until Parliament repeals them”.

    Police officers confiscating nets and finches. Photo credit: CABS

    If any national or EU law were to conflict with constitutional provisions, even a Constitutional Court ruling in one case would not mean that the uncertainty would be resolved for all similar cases, because “judgments of the Constitutional Court lack universal applicability.”

    As is the case in human rights cases, or even old rent laws, constitutional redress is not an effective remedy in Malta, and judgments of the Constitutional Court lack universal applicability.
    Carabott’s bill addresses these limitations by prescribing direct court intervention.

    Malta’s constitutional and legislative framework means that rulings by the Constitutional Court lack universal applicability. This weakens constitutional protection, whether for hobbies, traditional practices, or the environment.

    For example, although the Constitution already contains environmental provisions, key laws remain weak and often preclude effective litigation.

    Alarmist claims that stronger environmental protections in the Constitution would spell the end of traditional hobbies are difficult to justify, as are the claims that hobbies can only be protected by the Constitution.

    Malta has failed to use existing tools to protect certain hobbies as intangible cultural heritage, the way it has done with village feasts and falconry. Nor has it signed the relevant Council of Europe convention requiring that restrictions on traditional practices be properly justified.

    Ultimately, politicians’ assertions that constitutional safeguards are the only guarantee for hobbyists are misleading.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Is Malta’s Education System Preparing Students For The Future?

    FATTI: Is Malta’s Education System Preparing Students For The Future?

    • Early school leaving has been sharply reduced: The rate has fallen from 16.7% in 2015 to 9.5% in 2024, nearing the EU target, a significant achievement for Malta.
    • Access improved, outcomes uneven: Early school leaving has decreased, and registrations have peaked; however, only 73% of students achieve five SEC passes, and only 42.4% achieve six passes (Grades 1–5) in core academic streams. A-level attainment is stagnating despite high registrations, with around 40–43% of candidates achieving Grades A–C.
    • A-level attainment stagnating: At the post-secondary level, registrations remain high, but performance remains static, with only around 40–43% of candidates achieving Grades A–C across A-level and Intermediate subjects. This is below pre-2019 levels, even before accounting for absenteeism.
    • Absenteeism is rising across all levels: At A-level, roughly 20% of registered candidates were absent in 2024.
    • Substantial disparities exist between school sectors: Students in independent schools (92%) and church schools (84%) significantly outperform those in state schools (58%), revealing persistent inequities despite public investment.
    • University shifting towards foreign enrolment: The University of Malta’s local student numbers have dropped, while international students have tripled since 2017.
    • MCAST fills gaps but has limitations: It reports an 84% graduate employment rate, although this is mainly in lower- to mid-skill jobs.
    • Females outperform males at all educational levels, but they record lower employment rates. 
    • Skills shortages are widening: key sectors such as ICT, gaming, finance, and maritime rely heavily on foreign expertise, with employers citing skills mismatches and rigid curricula as constraints on innovation.
    • International performance stagnant: Malta’s PISA 2022 scores remain below OECD averages in maths, reading, and science, with no progress since 2012, signalling a stalled educational quality.

    In September, as the new school year began, Prime Minister Robert Abela said the government would “continue prioritising what is best for our children by maintaining strong investment in the education sector.”

    However, the facts suggest a more complex story, one of broad participation and incremental improvement, but with a reduced local presence shadowed by stagnant achievement rates, regional inequities, and worryingly significant skills gaps, as flagged by key industries, which limit Malta’s future readiness.

    “Our country must continue preparing a workforce equipped with the skills needed for the future, while remaining at the forefront of innovation, development, and progress,” the Prime Minister stated.

    Investment

    According to the latest budget estimates, the Ministry of Education’s spending was set at just over €1 billion, roughly 12.3% of total government expenditure.

    The share of Malta’s education investment has decreased over the past decade (2013–2023). EU Commission data shows this decline both as a percentage of GDP (from 5.6% to 5.0%) and as a percentage of total government expenditure from 13.6% to 12.7% (now at 12.3%).

    These are still above the EU average, but does the rate of investment match performance?

    Malta’s Education Performance

    Early school leaving, once Malta’s Achilles heel, has dropped dramatically, the third-largest decrease in the EU. The most recent figures put it at 9.5, just above the EU average.

    In 2015, one in six young people aged 18 to 24 were leaving school without secondary qualifications. Fast forward to 2024, and the rate was only one in ten on par with education superpower Finland. 

    O-levels:

    The share of 16-year-olds sitting for the Secondary Education Certificate (SEC), or O-level exams, has climbed steadily over the past decade from 78.6% in 2004 to 91.1% in 2024, peaking in 2019 at 94.1% when the government scrapped exam fees.

    Photo credit: Africa Studio

    Around 73.4% of candidates received at least five passes (Grades 1-7), considered the benchmark for completing secondary education. This is down from the peak 85.7% recorded in 2016, with MATSEC putting that down to the rising rates of absenteeism following the exam fee waiver.

    The government has sought to address gaps through vocational education, which includes areas such as agribusiness, IT, hospitality, engineering technology, and health and social care. It was introduced in 2017, and in 2024, the percentage of students who took one or more vocational subjects stood at roughly 27.5%.

    However, this only speaks to attaining basic qualifications.

    In 2024, the latest available data, 42.4% of 16-year-olds achieved six passes between Grades 1-5 in key subjects: English, Maltese, Maths, one Science subject, and two additional subjects. The subjects qualify students for most post-secondary academic streams, from Junior College to University. Pass rates are up from 39% in 2023.

    There is a clear disparity between institutions across Malta, with children attending church, independent, and Gozitan schools achieving far better performance outcomes than state school students.

    Students who received a minimum of five passes with Grades 1-7:

    Independent schools: 92%

    Church schools: 84%

    Schools in Gozo: 77%

    State schools in Malta: 58%

    Malta has one of the highest shares of students within private dependent institutions, 27.7%. MaltaToday has reported that prominent political figures and cabinet members, including Malta’s former Prime Minister, have elected to send their children to private or church schools.

    A-levels and Intermediates:

    The Matriculation Certificate refers to the A-levels and I-levels students take at around 18 years old. The certificate helps determine courses of study at the University of Malta, MCAST and other national and international institutions.

    Photo credit: Zoran Zeremski

    In 2024, 1,383 candidates obtained the Matriculation Certificate, with 1,178 from the 2006 cohort. According to official data (26.9%, roughly one in four 18-year-olds across Malta received their MC (21.1% of males and 33.3% of females).

    The total number of registrations stood at 4,585. It has dipped since 2019, when it was 4,919 registrations, but this was when the government introduced measures to waive exam fees. 

    A separate reform in 2012, which allowed candidates to qualify for the certificate over five year, also boosted registrations. However, reforms have also led to a spike in absenteeism, with an official MC report highlighting both reforms as an issue.

    “[Absenteeism] is largely linked to candidates registering for exams before completing their full two-year course, often leaving them unprepared. As a result, candidates may struggle to attend or perform well in their exams, impacting their overall success,” it reads.

    In the first session of 2024, around 20.2% of registrants reported absent.

    So what about performance?

    Around 40.3%-43.4% of all total registrants received As-Cs, lower than all the years recorded between 2019 and 2024. However, 2024 did perform third-best when accounting for absentees.

    A full table can be found below:

    MC First Session Performance: Grades A to C (2019-2024)

    YearA-LEVELI-LEVELA-LEVEL (excl. abs)I-LEVEL (EXCL. ABS)
    202443.40%40.30%54.20%49.80%
    202345.70%43.50%59.00%54.00%
    202244.80%41.60%50.20%50.90%
    202149.80%42.30%52.00%54.60%
    202048.00%41.80%49.00%42.90%
    201947.80%43.70%54.30%49.00%

    Absenteeism rates complicate direct comparisons of performance with results before 2019.

    An analysis of absenteeism rates can be found here:

    A-LEVEL – ABSI-LEVEL ABSCENCE
    202415.30%12.90%
    202316.50%12.40%
    202215.60%13.30%
    202114.60%12.10%
    202014.40%15.50%
    201911.50%11.80%

    University of Malta:

    The University of Malta (UM) now hosts roughly 12,500 students. Almost 9,600 are local students and roughly 2,900 are international. 

    The total number of students is less than what it was in 2017 but has been showing an upward trajectory since. However, this is primarily due to the number of international students tripling from 947 to 2,886 in 2024.

    Photo credit: Jacob Lund

    The number of local students at the University has actually dropped from 10,831 in 2017 to 9,574  in 2024.

    In 2024, 3,730 degrees were awarded, 1577 were undergraduate degrees, and there was a record number of 66 PhDs in a single graduation.

    Students by locality: Top 10

    LocalityNumber of students
    Birkirkara747
    Msida623
    Mosta608
    Naxxar475
    San Ġwann456
    Attard430
    St Paul’s Bay367
    Marsaskala362
    Sliema359
    Żurrieq345

    MCAST:

    MCAST absorbs many who do not complete the full MC.

    In 2010, MCAST celebrated its first 63 graduates with a 63-degree qualification, a milestone marking the start of Malta’s national vocational tertiary system. 

    By 2023, the latest available data, shows that there were 7,641 registered full-time students, with 2,806 graduates. There were 1,264 part-time students. Minister Clifton Grima said in an annual report that the rate of retention is 94%.

    According to a tracer study from 2019, 84% of MCAST graduates find some type of employment. 

    The Gender Gap: Females Outperform In Education, But Lower Employment

    In almost all stages of education, female students outperform males.

    Females consistently lead males in youth educational attainment, and this gap is growing. In 2024, the attainment rate was 92.5% for females, compared to 82.9% for males.

    They also outpace males in tertiary educational attainment. This gap is also growing. In 2024, 56.8% of those with tertiary attainment were female, compared to 39.9% who were male.

    There has been a slight reversal when it comes to lifelong learning. While females had also scored higher than males, this changed in 2024.

    Figures from 2024 show:

    In O-levels:

    • Females have higher registration rates
    • Females are more likely to obtain Grades 1,2,3,and 4
    • Males are more likely to obtain Grades 5,6,7, and U.

    In SEC:

    • More females registered.
    • 33.3% of female candidates obtained the full certificate. 
    • 21.1% of male candidates obtained the full certificate. 
    • Females get more As, Bs, and Cs across A-level and I-level.
    • Males are over-represented in subjects like Maths, Computing, Physics and IT.

    UM:

    • Females made up the majority of graduates (1215 females and 825 males).
    • Females made up the majority of PhDs and Master’s graduates (944 females and 588 males).
    • Females make up the overwhelming majority of local students (7,645 females, 4,799 males).

    MCAST:

    • Males make up the majority of students (4,278 males, 3,362 females).
    • Males make up 91% of students in the Institute of Engineering andTransport (IET).
    • Males make up 86% of students in the Institute of Information and Communication Technology (IICT).
    • Females make up the majority at the Institute of Creative Arts (ICA), Institute of Applied Sciences (IAS), and Institute of Community Services (ICS).

    Yet, female employment rates remain lower across all age groups. That gap is narrowest in the 15-24 age cohort (52.8% to 48.5%) – and there still remains a 12% margin in the 25-54 cohort.

    Education vs Employment

    Despite performances or educational attainment, the National Employment Policy notes that “employers are seeking either more targeted or highly specialised skills than those readily available, even amongst MCAST and University of Malta (UoM) ICT graduates”.

    The OECD also considers that Malta “faces labour and skills shortages, skills mismatches, and a high share of adults with low levels of skill”.

    “A coherent system for producing and interpreting skills intelligence is yet to be developed in Malta,” the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training said in 2023, citing employers’ feedback that “lack of appropriate skills is a threat to Malta’s economic growth”. 

    Today, key industries such as gaming employ significantly more foreigners than local residents, heavily relying on imported expertise and contributing to international migration.

    Gambling Online

    In 2024, the Malta Gaming Authority stated that “barriers such as a lack of relevant qualifications and work experience persist” in the gambling industry.  The financial services sector is also experiencing an “ongoing skills shortage”.

    In 2023 Malta’s Central Bank argued that  “educational and labour market policy should be redirected to address skill shortages, especially for highly specialised skills”. However, as noted in an Malta Financial Services Authority (MFSA) publication in 2021, “the educational system may be too rigid to accommodate the need for individual creativity to blossom and for innovation to be set free from a constrained thinking box.” 

    Malta Chamber recently issued a statement calling Malta’s current economic landscape marked by “low productivity”.

    Malta’s performance vs EU’s:

    Malta’s education system performs below the EU and OECD averages in most international benchmarks, though it has made notable progress in equity and participation. 

    In the PISA 2022 assessment, 15-year-old students in Malta scored below the OECD average in mathematics, reading, and science. Notably, there was no recorded improvement or decline in scores from 2012, hinting at stagnation.

    The shortfall is particularly pronounced in reading, with the gap from the OECD average at 10%.

    The overall pupil-teacher ratio stood at 9.0 pupils per teacher during academic year 2022-2023. The highest ratio was recorded in private schools, at 12.0 pupils per teacher, whereas the lowest ratio was in State schools at 8.1 pupils per teacher (Table 7). The EU average is 13.4.

    Educational attainment levels among the total working-age population continue to lag behind those of most EU countries. Malta has one of the highest shares of people with a low level of education in the entire EU at roughly 35% but it is a similar trend to other Mediterranean countries like Italy, Spain and Portugal. 

    When it comes to expected years of schooling, which is the average number of years a child can expect to spend in school or university, Malta ranks 48th globally at 16, but below Cyprus, Italy and many other EU countries.

    When it comes to the average number of years of education, Malta ranked 33rd globally, behind Cyprus and Luxembourg.

    The Prime Minister’s claim overstates Malta’s current position: access is strong; outcomes and skills alignment are not.

    Malta has drastically reduced early school leavers, but is still slightly behind the EU’s target of 9%, set for 2030. MCAST and vocational educational training have also addressed gaps.

    Education performance, despite significant continued investment, has stagnated; while absenteeism continues to grow, with almost one in six students sitting for their A-levels failing to even attend the session.

    Meanwhile, there remain clear disparities in equity for educational outcomes. State school students are less likely to receive their basic qualifications than their independent, church and Gozitan counterparts – despite the significant spending.

    Females, despite outperforming their male counterparts in education, continue to have less access to employment.

    And while the number of registrations have grown, this is just about covering the base. Priority sectors, like the maritime sector, finance and gambling are flagging skills shortages. Employers are warning that the issue will put economic growth at risk.

    In this context, the Prime Minister’s statement that Malta is preparing a workforce equipped with the skills needed for the future is misleading.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Is Malta’s Native Population At Risk Of Collapse – And Can Tax Cuts Stop It?

    FATTI: Is Malta’s Native Population At Risk Of Collapse – And Can Tax Cuts Stop It?

    • Budget 2026 allocates €160 million in tax cuts and grants to reverse Malta’s declining birth rate, as the government’s response to concerns over the native population’s future and demographic decline.
    • Projections by the Central Bank show the Maltese and Gozitan population could fall from 405,000 in 2024 to around 275,000 by 2075, even under favourable scenarios.
    • According to the Central Bank report, Malta’s native population reached 405,075 people, increasing by almost 6% since 2000, and 2.3% from 2010.
    • Fertility rates fall: Malta’s total fertility rate stands at 1.06 births per woman (2023), the lowest in the EU. However, among Maltese women, it is higher at 1.16, towards the top end of EU levels.
    • The term “native” refers to a Maltese National, which remains undefined in Maltese law and policy. A citizen is anyone with a Maltese parent and/or acquiring it through nationalisation or formerly investment, though Central Bank data excludes them.
    • A study found that the majority of Maltese genes could be attributed to West Eurasian roots.
    • However, studies also show that Maltese relate identity more with social characteristics rather than birthplace.
    • Malta’s population has grown by 135,000 since 2014, this has been driven by migration, with 1 in 6residents now foreign-born. There is no birthright citizenship in Malta if both parents are foreign.
    • International evidence shows mixed results:
      • Hungary’s fertility rose modestly after family tax cuts.
      • France’s success stems largely from strong childcare and parental support systems.
      • South Korea’s tax incentives have failed to reverse record-low fertility due to rigid work and gender norms.
    • Verdict: Fertility decline is real, yet tax cuts alone are unlikely to reverse it without broader social and structural reforms.

    Budget 2026 is here. Malta’s Prime Minister Robert Abela described it as “the best in history”. At its core lies a fiscal plan to reverse Malta’s declining birth rate. Tax cuts and grants for parents, worth €160 million per year, headlined Finance Minister Clyde Caruana’s budget speech.

    In 2025, Caruana and others, including Archbishop Charles Scicluna, warned about the decline in fertility and its implications for Malta’s native population.

    The debate unfolds against the backdrop of rapid population growth, fuelled mainly by migration. But what does it truly mean to be “native”? What do the figures reveal about Malta’s wider demographic challenges? And will the new proposals address the issue?

    In a pre-budget meeting with social partners, Finance Minister Clyde Caruana reportedly said that Malta’s fertility rate is “the greatest challenge of our time”.

    “Where will our population be in 50 years’ time?” Caruana reportedly asked. “Will we be at a point of no return?”

    In an episode of Karl Bonaci’s podcast, he went one step further:

    “If we do nothing and everything stays as it is […] Maltese and Gozitans, within 50 years […] will drop from 400,000 to 240,000. […]It means that out of those 240,000, 40%,  almost 100,000 people, will be over 65 years old.”

    “When I was born in 1985, there were 6,000 Maltese boys and girls born that year […]. Today, only half that number are being born, around 3,000 Maltese in total.

    Men socialising outdoors

    “We talk about wanting to preserve our culture, we talk about wanting to preserve our language, but at the same time, we are forgetting that we ourselves may be digging our own grave, and tomorrow, maybe the day after, these people could vanish into nothing, because there won’t be enough of them left living on this land.”.

    The Archbishop, Charles Sciclina, claimed Malta risks the “extinction of our ethnicity”.

    “What our enemies did not manage to do, we are doing with our own hands,” Scicluna said.

    The ‘Native’ Population Numbers

    Malta’s population has increased by more than 135,000 since 2014, reaching 574,250 as of 2024. Today, one in six residents is a foreign national. A report published in 2023 by the Ministry of Finance projects that the total population will exceed 810,000 by 2070.

    A Central Bank policy note from May 2025 explicitly explores Malta’s native population and its projections and implications on the local labour supply.

    According to the Central Bank report, Malta’s native population reached 405,075 people, increasing by almost 6% since 2000, and 2.3% from 2010. It is projected to decline to about 347,000 in 2050 and around 275,000 persons in 2075.

    The Central Bank report’s projections show that by 2030, 73.4% of the native Maltese population will be of working age. According to the Central Bank’s models, this is projected to decrease to 70.8% by 2050 and to remain at 63.6% by 2075.

    Credit: Joanna Demarco

    It outlines three scenarios: 

    Scenario 1: Mortality and fertility rates will change in line with Eurostat’s assumptions in the EUROPOP demographic projections, and migration continues at the current pace.

    Scenario 2: Fertility remains the same, the native population remains under the same assumptions as in the baseline but keeps the fertility rate of Maltese women unchanged at the current level.

    Scenario 3: Fertility remains unchanged and migration halts.

    Overall, the Central Bank’s projections indicate that low fertility rates remain the dominant factor in the forecasted decline, regardless of the scenario, whether that involves Maltese inward migration, replicating EU trends, or maintaining current trends.

    “Without a significant change in fertility trends, the long-term demographic outlook suggests stronger population ageing and potential labour force challenges,” the policy note reads.

    Malta’s total fertility rate has declined sharply over the past 50 years. In 1977, the total fertility rate was 2.14 births per woman. In 2023, it stood at 1.06, below the EU average of 1.38.

    However, the fertility rate among Maltese women specifically stood at 1.16, which implies the actual rate is not “entirely reflective of the trend within the native population”.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    What is a “native”?

    In the Central Bank policy note, ‘native’ refers to a Maltese national, which is not explicitly defined in any legislation in Malta, not even in the Citizenship Act.

    The Central Bank policy removes all persons who may have acquired citizenship, either by naturalisation or formerly investment and now exceptional merit.

    Unrestricted birthright citizenship ended in 1989. Since then, children born in or outside the country have only been granted citizenship if at least one of their parents is a Maltese citizen. 

    Foreigners with no Maltese ancestry can become citizens through naturalisation, which takes at least seven years, or through marriage. 

    A person “who renders exceptional services or who makes an exceptional contribution, including through job creation,” or “whose naturalisation is of exceptional interest” can also become a citizen.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    A study published in the Annals of Human Genetics in 2006, which involved Prof Alex Felice,  found that most contemporary Maltese males trace their ancestry to Sicily and Southern Italy based on Y-chromosome analysis. Subsequent mitochondrial DNA studies, including results from the ongoing Maltese Genome Project, indicate that females show a similar ancestry pattern.

    In 2018, a separate study found that the majority of Maltese genes could be attributed to West Eurasian roots, with some presence of African lineages.

    However, a 2013 Malta Today survey found that just 8.3% of respondents saw citizenship, and 7.7% saw birthplace, as key to being Maltese. Most instead pointed to language (68.2%), culture (22%), food (15.7%) and religion (14.3%) as stronger markers of identity.

    Prof. Gordon Sammut has explored the social characteristics behind Maltese identity. The study, which explored two surveys from 2011 to 2021, delves into how identity is shaped through comparison and shared meaning within groups.

    Our surnames, also, represent a “huge melting pot”, as one study by Mario Cassar puts it. Cassar distinguishes between surnames of Romance origin, such as Italian, French, or Spanish, and more recent European surnames, noting that “the spate of British, Irish, German, and other European family names accumulated through relatively recent ethnic intermarriages.. 

    Marriage records from the Renaissance period show that around a third of grooms in certain localities were foreigners. There are a number of Indian surnames present in more recent centuries, like Melwani, Balani, Mohnani.

    Clyde Caruana in the Parliament. Photo credit: DOI

    What are the proposals?

    Budget 2026 outlined several proposals targeting parents. These included:

    • New income tax bands for parents. This will eventually extend to parents with two or more children paying 0% income tax up to €37,000 by 2028, and to parents with one child paying 0% income tax up to €22,500. For single parents, that figure will be at 30,000 and 18,000 respectively. 
    • Grants for parents having their first child, including by adoption. They will now be €1,000; those on their second will get €1,500; and parents will receive €2,000 for every child beyond that.
    • A refund of €12,000, up from €10,000, for parents hoping to adopt overseas. If adopted locally, the grant will double from €1,000 to €2,000. 
    • Increase of Children’s allowance to €250 per child. For families earning under €23,000, there can be an additional €167 per child, making the total increase higher.

    The government has also noted the fertility issue in the Social Plan for Families (2025-2030). In it, it calls for “enhancing” the fertility rate through “family-friendly workplace policies”, “affordable housing and financial stability”, “education and awareness programmes” and “data collection and research”.

    The populous town of St Paul’s Bay only has two free childcare centres, and so does Sliema, where demand is also high.

    As of early 2024, after-school centres in Sliema and St Paul’s Bay had waiting lists of 25 and 28 children, respectively. According to the 2024 financial estimates, the government reduced funding for after-school clubs by almost half, from €9 million to an estimated €4.8 million, between 2023 and 2024.

    What has happened elsewhere?

    The impact of tax incentives on fertility remains uncertain.

    Hungary has introduced income tax deductions and other family-focused measures. This has helped lift fertility from the low 1.23 in 2011 to around 1.55 in 2023.

    A study by the HETFA research institute suggests these incentives account for part of the increase, but other social and economic factors also played a role, including employment, nursery school availability, and flexible work possibilities.

    In France, where fertility has stayed among the highest in Europe, it has a wide range of social and population policies which experts point to as the “most obvious explanation”, namely an extensive childcare system, including public crèches and écoles maternelles, that offer affordable, high-quality care from age two or three:

    In South Korea, which has the worst fertility rate in the world, tax cuts have made little difference. Korea has made significant strides in family policies; however, according to the OECD, “they still fail to fully meet the diverse needs of working parents”.

    “Moreover, rigid gender norms and entrenched labour market practices further exacerbate these challenges, especially for women, who are often forced to choose between pursuing a career and raising a family,” it reads.

    Claims that Malta’s native population is on the verge of collapse are alarmist and are based on projection models that assume little change to fertility & exclude all children born to a foreign mother. However, demographic concerns are very much a reality. 

    Data does show a decrease in native populations over the last two decades. However, it also ignores several factors, including whether foreign nationals residing in Malta will, in the future, marry Maltese nationals and contribute to Malta’s biological mix.

    There is also very little definition by the government or the constitution as to what precisely a native person is. Experts have pointed to biological determinants that link us to the broader Mediterranean mix, rather than to something expressly ‘Maltese’.

    Government proposals to address the issue in the budget are a notable first step. While studies suggest that tax cuts and similar grants could slightly improve fertility, more needs to be done to address other conditions, such as the quality and accessibility of childcare, as well as other social policies.

    The claim that Malta’s population is at risk of decline and that tax cuts can save it is only partially true.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • Fatti: Are Bird Trappers Conducting Research?

    Fatti: Are Bird Trappers Conducting Research?

    • Malta’s 2025 trapping season has reopened under a “research derogation” allowing trappers to act as licensed researchers despite an EU court ruling that Malta failed to prove no scientific alternatives exist.
    • Malta’s latest legal notice erases the official ringing coordinator, EURING, and potentially opens up the ringing license to trappers.
    • Government claim: Trapping is “the least intrusive method” to collect data on finch migration. The FKNK defends the derogation as merging “socio-cultural tradition with research”.
    • Over 4,000 trappers have reportedly recorded only 40 ringed finches in 2020-2023, many of which were caught in Malta. EURING, Europe’s bird-ringing authority, says the data “does not meet acceptable scientific or ethical standards.”
    • Government-hired scientists called the trapping derogation results “not directly comparable” with scientific analysis.
    • Malta’s enforcement capacity has declined, the number of vehicles used for field checks has halved between 2022 and 2023, and Gozo remains poorly policed.
    • Licensed trapping areas overlap with Natura 2000 protected zones, and inspectors report vegetation clearing and habitat damage.
    • Both conservationists and independent experts, including a former Ornis Committee chair, say the derogation is a guise to legitimise traditional trapping, not a genuine scientific effort.
    • The European Commission’s infringement case remains open. Malta could face financial sanctions for failing to comply with the Court of Justice ruling.

    Malta’s 2025 trapping season is now open.This year, the government has relaxed rules on scientific bird ringing, removing references to EURING, the coordinating body of bird ringing schemes. The state insists the trapping effort is for research despite the EU Court of Justice ruling that Malta failed to prove a lack of alternatives.

    The government’s decision has split both sides of the trapping debate: the National Association of Hunters and Trappers (FKNK), the leading hunting and trapping association, Kaċċaturi San Ubertu (KSU), a smaller NGO, and conservation NGOs.

    Licensed Maltese bird ringer at work. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    “This historic step opens a new chapter in our country’s approach to bird conservation and research,” FKNK said.

    KSU’s secretary Adrian Cauchi emphasised that no formal ringing course exists in Europe, and all ringers must ultimately be allowed to operate by the government. 

    “I cannot do the [training to become a ringer] with Birdlife, because Birdlife is with EURING. EURING is not giving us a way out because it wants to abolish the traditional methods,” he told Amphora Media.

    For Birdlife Malta, this “ill-conceived plan is destined to fail. Scientific bird ringing is only credible when carried out within the EURING network, the only recognised European framework for bird ringing. Any attempt to operate outside this network will produce meaningless data and expose Malta to further ridicule and sanctions.”

    Trapping continues to court controversy, but the question is: Is trapping in Malta really all for research?

    Malta’s government began declaring research derogations for trapping in 2020.  Maltese law allows “under strictly supervised conditions and in a selective manner, a research derogation to obtain scientific data on Malta’s reference population of the seven finch species”. 

    The legal notice argues that “ornithologists  and  licensed  bird-ringers  have  been unsuccessful  in  collecting […] the required  data  to  meet  the  stated  objective  of  the  Finches Research  Project,” which is:

    “Where do finches that migrate over Malta during post-nuptial (autumn) migration come from?”

    Police spot-checks within each region are promised to be daily.

    CABS, a conservation NGO, and Police dismantle trapping site. Photo credit: CABS

    The Wild Birds Regulation Unit (WBRU), under the Ministry of Gozo and Planning, explained in 2021 that trappers can “control”, or temporarily capture, the seven finch species, “determine which are fitted with a ring”, and immediately release them.

    “Once data saturation has been reached for all seven finch species, the research project will terminate in its entirety,” WBRU said in 2023. The government considers that “data saturation may be reached at a threshold of 60 ring recoveries per species”.

    The Ministry for Gozo has claimed it is “the least intrusive course of action to gather quality data on the provenance of migratory finches.”

    “This initiative is generating robust information, including a significant increase in foreign ring recoveries through the clap-net system, which in some species has even surpassed existing information. In five years of such research, the information collected from ring recoveries exceeded 100 years of ring recoveries by BirdLife Malta. This information is essential for calculating the populations of these bird species,” the ministry said in a press release.

    Minister Clint Camilleri. Photo credit: DOI

    FKNK has argued that the derogation combines “deep socio-cultural traditions with scientific research” and that banning the practice risks “the potential for stagnation in the field of ornithological research”. Its president thanked the government for allowing the ‘continuity’ of the practice.

    In 2024, FKNK published a series of claims regarding the research project and EURING, the European coordinators of bird ringing schemes. These included:

    • Trappers’ nets are more effective than ringers’;
    • Each bird is screened for a scientific ring; 
    • “EURING and the local monopoly of bird-ringing made it challenging to persuade impartial candidates (…) to endorse the Project.”
    • “Throughout the open hunting and trapping seasons, the Maltese islands are effectively under police control.”

    Conservation NGOs have a different view. 

    “Trapping is an unsustainable method of hunting which causes damage to wildlife and habitats,” Birdlife Malta has said, adding elsewhere that the traditional trapping method destroys natural habitats, harms non-target wildlife, and fuels illegal wildlife trade.

    “In a last-ditch attempt to justify this discredited scheme, Minister for Hunting and Trapping Clint Camilleri, supported by Minister for the Environment Miriam Dalli, has enacted amendments to the Conservation of Wild Birds Regulations that would significantly dilute the standards for scientific bird ringing,” the NGO said.

    Minister Miriam Dalli. Photo credit: DOI

    The NGO Committee Against Bird Slaughter (CABS) claims that, “Many bird trappers did not comply with the law even before the final finch trapping ban and either laid out their nets in spring or used electronic decoy callers. (…) Police controls are rare, and court decisions against the few convicted bird trappers are usually at the bottom of the penalty line”.

    Timeline of events:

    1st May 2004: Malta joins the EU. The EU’s legislation on wild bird conservation became binding, but Malta is allowed to phase out finch trapping and replace it with a captive breeding programme.

    2008: Arrangement expires. 

    2009-2013: Trapping is prohibited in Malta.

    2013: FKNK submits a request to reopen trapping season following the change of government.

    2014: Government reopens trapping season in autumn.

    2018: The European Court of Justice issued the first ruling on Malta’s finch trapping practice. In its ruling, it said that the government did not prove that no alternative solution exists and that insufficient evidence meant arguments that trapping affects a small number of birds could not be substantiated.

    CABS Bird Guards searching for illegalities. Photo credit: CABS

    2020: Malta’s government started declaring research derogations for trapping. 

    2024: EU court issues ruling on research derogation, finding that Malta’s authorities did not prove a lack of viable alternative, and “there is no mention of other standard scientific means of research in the ornithological field”

    2025: Legal notice 251 removes a requirement for rings to only be obtained from bird ringing schemes approved by EURING. Trappers now allowed to use live decoys.


    The European Commission’s infringement case against the research derogation remains active. The Commission has sent a letter of formal notice for failing to comply with the judgement. The Commission may decide to refer Malta back to the Court of Justice of the European Union, with a request to impose financial sanctions. The Commission’s spokesperson said, “The Commission is assessing the available information before deciding on next steps”.

    Does the derogation follow a research methodology?

    Official bird ringers, under the EURING umbrella, ring finches in the countries where they breed. The WBRU argues that the birds are not followed as they migrate, and the Maltese “research project is what renders the effort invested by bird-ringers in other countries to ring finches worthwhile”.

    To participate in the scheme, trappers must check for scientific rings, a process called ‘control’. 

    Participating trappers are “instructed and examined on the procedure”, and captured finches are “immediately released unharmed back into the wild”, “including those that are “not fitted with a scientific ring or satellite-tag”.

    Bird ringing by Birdlife’s licensed ringers. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    In Malta, bird ringing was previously carried out by Birdlife Malta, the only partner of EURING. The legal notice now allows licensing & ringing from any “qualified trainer who is part of a bird ringing scheme”.

    In a December 2024 statement, EURING said that the Maltese trapping research project “is unlikely to provide useful scientific data on a reasonable timescale, and that the poor-quality data being gathered does not meet acceptable scientific or ethical standards.” 

    “The intensity of finch trapping that is being undertaken is likely to have major impacts on bird movements and behaviour, and is therefore not compatible with studying the natural movement patterns of these species,” it continued.

    Trapper on a site. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    Nicholas Galea heads Birdlife’s EURING-approved ringing scheme in Malta, with 29 licensed ringers on the islands. According to the government’s 2023 report to the European Commission, Birdlife ringed 20,847 birds in 2023. 

    “We are not against research, but we are against the use of research as a disguise,” he told Amphora Media, confirming that in previous seasons he verified the trappers’ information on ringed birds after it is passed to him.

    “Data is always data, and information is information,” he said, adding that this does not mean he approves of the capturing method.

    Amphora Media spoke to Kaċċaturi San Ubertu’s (KSU) secretary Adrian Cauchi. KSU “practices a policy of zero tolerance towards any hunting illegalities and vets all of its members prior to acceptance.”

    Ringed hawfinch

    “I would have expected EURING to jump on the possibility be there, supervise, offer their expertise and influence, as much as possible, to the legislator to carry out the best activities for the birds,” Cauchi said, adding “why not involve trappers if you really want to convert them, if you really want to ensure that you know exactly what they’re doing, why not get them under your umbrella rather than push them as far away as possible?”

    In previous seasons, Birdlife declined government requests for ringers to accompany the trapping scheme, citing the disparity in numbers between trappers and ringers.

    “With 10 trappers and ringers, it’s fine. (…) But [the government] always wants 4,000 trappers and one or two ringers, which means the others will always do what they want,” Galea said.

    Siskins breed in woodlands and occasionally migrate past Malta

    Amphora Media also spoke to Mark-Anthony Falzon, the former chairman of the Ornis Committee (2014-2017), an advisory board made up of hunters, trappers, conservationists and government appointees.  In 2014, Falzon abstained from the vote on allowing the trapping derogation but defended the position. However, he is critical of the research derogation.

    “To do research, you need researchers. (…) Trappers are not scientists. They are not trained in any scientific method. Bird ringers are not scientists either (…) but they follow the scientific method tightly regulated by EURING,” he said.

    “For a trapper to release what they have just caught is unthinkable. It’s like winning the lottery and tearing up your ticket. (…) Some of these birds are highly prized.”

    Caged finches used as live decoys. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    Have the trappers produced quality data?

    A Wild Birds Regulation Unit’s 2024 report states that 4,105 General Licences for Live-Capturing of birds were issued. 

    In addition to collecting research forms filled by trappers, the WBRU commissioned surveys of migratory finches by two scientists with marine ecology specialisations.

    One of the objectives was “to correlate migration data gathered through the present survey with bag data for the relevant species, should any live-capturing derogations or research derogation be applied during the autumn season of the contracted years.”

    Linnet

    However, the authors said “the two sets were collected for different purposes, using very different methodologies, and therefore the magnitude of values are not directly comparable” which is required for “robust and rigorous assessment”. 

    For example, on some days, trappers caught over 200 common linnets and 50 common chaffinches. In contrast, staff at monitoring stations across Malta counted up to 10 common linnets and even fewer common chaffinches per day – sometimes none. 

    Malta submits yearly derogation reports to the European Commission. This is what the trappers have found over the years, according to these reports.

    YearRinged birds foundNotes about the birds
    20207 finches1 ringed by Birdlife Malta, others ringed in Hungary, Italy and Russia
    202115 finches6 ringed in Malta, others ringed in Italy, Slovakia, Greece, Hungary, Slovenia, Lithuania, Spain
    20221 finchRinged in Malta
    2023
    17 finches
    Ringed in Italy, Switzerland, Russia, Poland, Finland and Slovenia
    Total40 finches8 finches ringed in Malta

    Reports to the Commission reveal that across thousands of trapping sites, trappers “controlled” only 40 ringed finches, and a fifth of them had already been caught by bird ringers in Malta.

    A comparison with the government contractor’s data, suggests trapping hundreds of finches has resulted in very few ring recoveries, including only one in 2022. Trappers also send reports on rings that EURING was unable to verify.

    Chaffinch

    EURING’s data Amphora had access to shows that out of 64 ring records submitted between 2020 and 2024, 18 had flaws: unclear country of origin, untraceable ring number, unknown scheme, or suspicious bird properties.

    Fourteen birds carried a Maltese ring, but in several cases, trappers incorrectly recorded ring numbers. Ten of the birds had already been confiscated from trappers and apparently re-trapped.

    “You can’t have 4,000 trapper-ringers all active at the same time in such a small country, because the same birds will be caught and caught all over again causing too much disturbance and stress,” Galea said.

    Caged finches used as live decoys. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    “It’s difficult to decipher what people submitted. Sometimes they catch birds with our rings, and I cannot conclude which one it is. And really, what they’ve been discovering is that they’ve discovered nothing new.” Before trapping was outlawed, Birdlife Malta had already collected and published data on finches from trappers.

    A search on Google Scholar for the listed finch species, the mention of Malta and WBRU did not return ornithology or biology articles, except for one that was about ticks in birds and was co-authored by Nicholas Galea.

    KSU has implemented turtle dove satellite tagging projects, which Cauchi cites as an example of how traditional trappers can be retrained and benefit research. “The trapper was happy. The traditional method was kept, and this study and the research part was kept as well.”

    The Ministry of Gozo and Planning did not respond to Amphora’s questions, and neither did FKNK.

    Has the research effort reduced illegal trapping?

    One of the conditions of applicable European laws for issuing derogations is that the practice must be appropriately supervised. But enforcement resources have been gradually reduced over the years, Malta’s derogation reports to the European Commission reveal.

    Police officers confiscating nets and finches. Photo credit: CABS

    The number of officers dropped from a maximum of 64 to a maximum of 53 between 2020 and 2023; as has the number of vehicles from 15 to 9. 

    YearNo. of officersNo. of vehicles
    2020Minimum 53, maximum 6415
    2021Minimum 44, maximum 5918
    2022Minimum 42, maximum 5618
    2023Minimum 49, maximum 539

    The EU’s court found that “In the context of Malta, characterised by a very high density of licence holders […] the fact that merely 23% of hunters have been subject to individual checks seems inadequate”.

    The Malta Ranger Unit has recorded alleged instances of illegal trapping of protected species, use of illegal devices, and trapping outside the permitted hours. In a recent case, illegalities reported by the MRU led to a conviction of a trapper and cancellation of his licence.

    Camilla Appelgren, from the MRU, told Amphora Media that officers often lacked training and coordination. At the same time, trappers allegedly had extensive networks of CCTV cameras and spotters to monitor NGO and police presence.

    Trapping site from above. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    “There are times we don’t have any environmental police, and the district police don’t take environmental cases, so there is no one to call,” she said. 

    During the first days of the season MRU, Birdlife and police collaborated in an operation which led tthe o confiscation of illegally used equipment, including electronic bird callers, and unattended clap nets.

    Gozo, meanwhile, presents a separate issue altogether. Data shows that contraventions are minimal compared to Malta. In 2023, there were 50 contraventions in Malta, compared to 12 in Gozo.

    Policer officers dismantling nets in Gozo. Photo credit: CABS

    “With respect to hunting and trapping, it’s an open secret, really, that in Gozo, there is much less law enforcement, and police find it very hard to do their job,” Falzon added.

    Galea and Appelgren warned that trappers inform each other of police presence, especially in Gozo”.

    Enforcement Figures (Source: WBRU): 

    YearContraventions on MaltaUnidentified suspectsContraventions on GozoUnidentified suspects
    20202311, or 48%65, or 83%
    20219620, or 21%2622, or 85%
    2022566, or 11%33, or 100%
    20235012, or 24%126, or 50%

    On 16th October, a trapper from Mgarr, caught in September 2022, was sentenced and had his trapping licence revoked for three years, CABS said in a press release. CABS members went to court as witnesses.

    Between 2014 and 2024, the NGO’s reports resulted in 298 prosecutions for trapping illegalities. Out of those, 187 trappers were convicted, and “thousands” of birds were seized”.

    Cauchi of KSU disagrees that policing levels are low. “You’ll see the police every day, twice, three times a day,” he said. His view is that illegalities are decreasing, but evidence collection methods have improved, and more of them make it to court.

    “We should let authorities work and one of the key objectives is to ensure that trappers become researchers in their entirety. These things require a generational change. [An octogenarian] is a difficult person to change. I’m the next generation. I’m a converted man. I would very happily, very happily give all my [hunting and trapping] licences and just do ringing.”

    Illegal robin trapping used to be common in Malta but has been largely eradicated

    He suggests that, contrary to popular view, KSU, as a hunters’ and trappers’ organisation practices discipline and enforcement internally. 

    “We don’t go and say these things on Facebook, but we do it in our own circles. The results speak for themselves in terms of targeting of protected species.” He would like to see court-mandated courses to rehabilitate perpetrators of illegal trapping.

    Police spokesperson did not reply  to Amphora Media’s questions.

    Is trapping environmentally sustainable?

    Superimposing the map of 2024’s licensed trapping sites on the map of Natura 2000 sites, which is allowed in Malta, reveals significant overlaps. Trappers can catch birds along the entire protected Southwestern coast of Malta and Southern Gozo. Trapping sites next to bird sanctuaries can also be found.  The EU’s court criticised the decision.

    Trapping sites (pins) in protected Natura 2000 zones (red areas) in North Malta. Bird sanctuaries are shaded in green. Data sources: WBRU & ERA

    Appelgren of MRU reports having observed cases where trappers clear vegetation, drastically reducing biodiversity at the sites they use. “It’s worse than hunting, they kill their land, and so that nothing will grow, and they keep them barren for the purpose of trapping birds,”she said.

    Trapping sites (pins) in protected Natura 2000 zones (red areas) in Gozo. Bird sanctuaries are shaded in green. Data sources: WBRU & ERA

    In 2014, the FKNK acknowledged the use of agricultural pesticides but claimed this “can easily be reversed”.

    Falzon doesn’t see a reason why Natura 2000 protection should exclude trapping. “So you have people fishing, you have people walking dogs and a million other things. Why not trapping?”

    Asked about the matter, the European Commission’s spokesperson said that “The Commission has no information on the practice in question.”

    Falzon warns that rampant development will likely spell the demise of the trapping hobby. “In the past there were trapping sites all over the place. Now there are far fewer” .

    Trapping site. Photo credit: Birdlife Malta

    Cauchi of KSU believes that unsustainable agricultural practices threaten finches, and that there is scope for trappers and conservationists coming together to protect birds. “I’d be willing to sit down with another moderate individual, but I cannot sit down with someone whose idea is abolishing hunting and trapping,” he said.

    The government’s claims to allow trapping as a scientific derogation are misleading. 

    The research derogation has resulted in few ring recoveries and, despite hundreds of birds caught and dozens of rings recorded. Trappers’ data has not been cited in published scientific literature that could be found on Google Scholar. Many of the recovered rings belong to birds already caught in Malta. Trappers’ representatives consider that ringer’s refusal to cooperate explains it.

    Police presence remains weak, especially in Gozo, while monitoring 4,000 trappers is a major logistical challenge. Many experts, including those in favour of trapping, said the derogation is a guise and that quality data is not being produced. However, KSU expressed willingness to shift its trapper members to ringers in the future.

    Rather, as Mark Anthony Falzon puts it:

    “[Trapping] is a practice that I think should be absolutely valued for what it is. Malta should make its case that this is a local practice that has value. This is why this deception is going to fail.”

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • Fatti: Has Defining Femicide In Malta Really Made A Difference?

    Fatti: Has Defining Femicide In Malta Really Made A Difference?

    • Malta’s 2022 reform introduced femicide and misogynistic motives into its Criminal Code, one of the few EU states to do so.
    • However, it has had a limited tangible impact. No court ruling has applied the law so far.
    • Gender-based violence remains pervasive. Domestic violence reports have almost doubled since 2015, reaching 4,439 in 2024. One in four women in Malta reports experiencing intimate partner violence.
    • Convictions remain low. Police issued 17,486 domestic violence charges between 2021 and mid-2025 but secured only 933 convictions, roughly one for every nineteen charges.
    • Delays in the justice system continue to undermine victims’ rights, a human rights case is being prepared.
    • Recent murders reveal persistent failures in prevention and protection. The killings of Bernice Cassar and Nicolette Ghirxi followed prior police reports or warning signs.
    • Gender inequality and institutional gaps remain unaddressed.
    • Progress is visible in awareness and institutional reform, but not yet in outcomes.

    In the wake of the murders of Paulina Dembska and Rita Ellul in 2022, Malta updated its legislation to strengthen punishments for femicide, one of the few OSCE countries to do so.

    Robert Abela at CoE. Photo credit: Council of Europe / Alban Hefti

    “Malta under my watch (…) took the step of introducing the concept of femicide into our criminal code to acknowledge this gender-based crime, raising public awareness and to send a very clear and unequivocal message that there will be no leniency for perpetrators of this horrific crime,” Robert Abela told the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly in June. 

    But have the amendments fulfilled the demands of women’s rights defenders and made a difference on the ground?

    “The state, the country and society did not do all that is required,” Abela told Malta Today in 2022, referring to the murders of Dembska and Bernice Cassar. 

    “These reforms stem from the need and responsibility to respond to what’s happening in our society: from the duty not to ignore anyone’s reality. Only by doing so can we truly represent the people and ensure that what we hear from them in the streets leads to real change and necessary reform. (…) That is what brought us to today’s legal amendments,” Abela told parliament in February 2022 .

    Jonathan Attard. Source: DOI

    He also said, “What we are talking about today makes a difference in the life of each and every one of us.”

    Abela told the diplomatic corps he was ‘particularly proud’ of the femicide law. Meanwhile, Justice Minister Jonathan Attard cited the recognition of femicide as proof of Malta’s “commitment to comprehensive legislative and institutional reforms” at a Council of Europe event this year. 

    What was the amendment about?

    The legal amendment was introduced in June 2022. Now the court must consider several femicide criteria when deciding on a punishment for the homicide of a person of the female gender. 

    These are:

    • Intimate partner violence;
    • Family member violence;
    • Sexual violence or sexual acts;
    • Misogynist motives;
    • Reasons related to honour, reputation, religious or cult practices; 
    • Motives based on the gender, or gender identity, or sex or sexual orientation of the victim;
    • Related to sexual exploitation (including commercial) of the victim.

    “Following the murder of Paulina Dembska there was quite a public outcry, both because of how it happened – the fact that it was very random, there was no connection with her killer, that it took in a public place, and was also very brutal,” lawyer and human rights activist Lara Dimitrijevic, who worked on the wording of the bill, explained to Amphora Media.

    Official data reveals that 3 out of 16 women murdered in gender-based crimes between 2012 and 2022 had previously sought support from the national social welfare agency ahead of the crime.

    The amendments limited the grounds to render femicides excusable when “committed by any person acting under the first transport of a sudden passion or mental excitement”, as formulated in the Criminal Code.

    It also brought the concept of misogyny into law for the first time, which Dimitrijevic described as “quite a win in itself”.

    Lara Dimitrijevic with Owen Bonnici and Edward Zammit Lewis at a presentation of the legal amendments on femicide in 2022. Photo credit: DOI

    But femicide is not an aggravation, which means that the punishment for willful homicide is not increased because it is a femicide; it just cannot be decreased. 

    “I frankly think that [the excuse of sudden passion] should be removed across the board. It’s an extremely old concept that has been removed in many other jurisdictions,” Dimitrijevic said.

    “[The legal amendment will] not create a separate legal offence. Rather, it will encourage the judiciary to take into account violence against women, because they are women, when handing down sentences for the already-existing criminal offence of wilful homicide,”the National Commission for the Promotion of Equality (NCPE) said at the time the amends were discussed. 

    Is this what women’s rights defenders called for?

    The European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) considers femicide to be “the most severe forms of gender-based violence” and “recognising it as a separate criminal offence “could bring numerous benefits in terms of awareness raising, prevention and applying the law”.

    In 2022, NCPE said Dembska’s murder was “a wake-up call to seriously examine and address the unequal power relations between women and men in our society.”

    “Gender inequality needs addressing through gender-sensitive policy making and policing as well as the eradication of sexism from all spheres of life, including online and broadcast media, as well as institutionalised sexism,” the NCPE stressed.

    Exhibition on violence against women at the Parliament in 2023. Photo credit: DOI

    By 2024, the NCPE warned that “the deep connection between gender inequality and this pervasive violence, a relationship that remains largely unaddressed”.

    “While the introduction of the femicide law in Malta was a significant step in the right direction, more work needs to be carried out to address the underlying structures that make such violence possible in the first place,” it said.

    In an EU programme, Aleksandar Dimitrijevic (Lara’s husband) representing NGO Men Against Violence, described how the Maltese justice system is “notoriously slow when dealing with cases of domestic and gender-based violence” with two magistrates presiding over 1500 cases of domestic violence as of February 2025.

    According to the EU’s justice scoreboard, Malta has one of the longest estimated time to resolve judicial cases for all crimes.

    In 2022, the Women’s Rights Foundation, which has set up the Observatory on Femicide in Malta, has recommended mandatory training to legal practitioners, court staff and judges dealing with violence against women, immediate and effective protection for victims, better enforcement of protection orders, and GPS monitoring of suspects on bail.

    Lara Dimitrijevic, one of the authors of the report and WRF’s board member, is preparing to initiate a human rights case related to the delayed proceedings on behalf of the family of Chantelle Chetcuti, who was murdered in February 2020.

    “Unfortunately, the judicial process is very lengthy and very burdensome on the victims, i.e. the members of the family. In fact, (…) I will be filing a human rights case on behalf of Chantelle’s family, as we are still awaiting the jury. In the meantime, her mother has passed away. Her father became unwell. Her sister is really suffering, not to mention her children too.”

    “Life went on for [the accused], whereas for this family, life will stop. I argue that this is a breach of their human rights. It’s continuously subjecting them to revictimisation. It’s really affecting their right to private life, because they cannot move on. (…) Some of the members of the family will have to testify again now, after so many years, within a trial by jury.”

    What has happened since?

    Since the femicide amendments were introduced, three women have been murdered: Bernice Cassar, Sandra Ramirez, and Nicolette Ghirxi.

    Bernice Cassar filed multiple domestic violence reports against her estranged husband – the man accused of killing her – up to the day before she was murdered. Just two days earlier, her lawyer had reportedly urged police to take action against him for breaching protection orders.

    In the inquiry into her death, retired judge Geoffrey Valenzia concluded that the “state system” had failed Cassar, citing a lack of court and police resources, as well as the increasing workload faced by magistrates, which led to significant delays in scheduling and hearing cases.

    The accused has since been charged with the murder, and his lawyers reportedly challenged the new femicide law on discrimination grounds.

    Nicolette Ghirxi emailed the police a few days before her murder, expressing concern after encountering her ex-boyfriend, who later died in a standoff with police. She had also reported harassment months earlier, in April, but declined a risk assessment at the time.

    The Police Complaints Board later cleared the officers involved, stating they had acted within their powers and found no evidence of an imminent threat. 

    Sandra Ramirez was reportedly stabbed 26 times by her former partner. When he appeared in court, he attempted to have the femicide charge dropped, arguing it was a “crime of passion”, which was rejected.

    There has not yet been a published court judgement applying the amended legal provisions in an actual case of the murder of a woman.

    “We’ve had more femicides in a short span of time after the introduction of the law. So that, I think, speaks for itself,” Lara Dimitrijevic said.

    Conviction rates remain low

    Data provided by the police shows that between 2021 and July 2025, there were 933 convictions related to domestic violence, compared to 17,486 charges issued during the same period.

    This means that, on average, there has been roughly one conviction for every 19 charges over the past few years.

    “We really need to work much, much harder on the prevention element, both in terms of prosecution and protection,(…)  and to have dissuasive punishments. Very rarely do we see, for example, effective imprisonments in cases of intimate partner violence,” Lara Dimitrijevic said.

    The number of domestic violence charges has also been rising: from 2,929 in 2021 to 4,439 in 2024

    According to the 2024 Crime Malta report, a trend of increasing reports has been observed since 2007. However, the growth is mostly attributed to the rise in reports of psychological harm, and stronger awareness may have also played a role. Parliamentary questions filed in recent years reveal that reports of domestic violence to the police have nearly doubled since 2015.

    By July 2025, 2,427 charges had already been filed, as an early warning, this year is also on track to surpass the 4,000 mark.

    Psychological violence has grown the most rapidly

    In 2024, Council of Europe’s experts found that the police have implemented “comprehensive reforms” to address gender-based violence and that “Malta has adopted a more robust multi-agency approach at all levels of decision-making”.

    Who has experienced intimate partner violence?

    According to the Survey on Safety and Well-being carried out in Malta and Gozo in 2022, 19% of men and 26% of women reported having experienced intimate partner violence. For over half, the violence resulted in an injury, and more than half have felt that their life was in danger.

    According to the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE)’s country report on Malta in 2022, the year the femicide law was introduced:

    • 79% of recorded victims of intimate partner violence were women, and 69% of victims of domestic violence were women.
    • 1,091 men were reported for intimate partner violence against women, and 538 were prosecuted.
    • 1,364 men were reported for domestic violence against women, and 1,210 were prosecuted.
    • The police recorded a greater number of offences of intimate partner violence (1,099) than the number of victims (831). This difference suggests that several women victims were subjected to violence by a partner multiple times in a single year.
    • Between 2020 and 2022, four women victims of intentional homicide were recorded by police. During the same period, police recorded three women victims of intentional homicide committed specifically by an intimate partner;
    • Fluctuations between years can be attributed to various social and institutional factors and do not necessarily imply that violence has worsened in the country over time.

    EIGE notes intimate partner violence is not explicitly defined in Malta’s Criminal Code, and  “no data is available on protection orders for victims of violence” or “on perpetrators sentenced or held in prison for these crimes”. This makes it difficult to assess the extent to which men are brought to justice for violence against women”.

    Malta is one of the few countries that has explicitly defined femicide.

    International experts have noted Malta’s progress at the various stages of addressing violence escalation, from training of police to the definition of femicide in the law. Women’s rights defenders have called for a comprehensive approach to the underlying structures, notably inequality. 

    Malta’s statistics of the number of people affected by intimate partner violence and reports of domestic violence suggest that the issue is widespread and shows no signs of subsiding. Meanwhile, the murders of Cassar and Ghirxi have raised concerns over the police’s ability to prevent femicides before they occur.

    In Malta, the length of proceedings is a repeatedly voiced concern that has not been resolved. According to lawyer and expert Lara Dimitrijevic, an overhaul of the criminal justice system is needed to fully address the issue.

    Politicians’ claims that the femicide law would make a difference are somewhat true. The introduction of femicide is a legal breakthrough. But it is the tip of the gender-based violence iceberg, and the progress in improving the quality of the justice system has been slow.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • Fatti: Is Malta One Of The Least Polluting Countries?

    Fatti: Is Malta One Of The Least Polluting Countries?

    “We [Malta] are among the countries that pollute the least.”

    Environment Minister Miriam Dalli made the bold claim at an informal meeting of EU Environment Ministers in Aalborg this July, while discussing new EU measures and targets to curb pollution, policies that could prove both costly and unpopular at home.

    Minister Miriam Dalli. Photo credit: DOI

    Yet Malta’s energy policy has come under criticism from EU institutions. Council has urged the government to “wind down the emergency energy support measures”, which is estimated to be worth around 1% of Malta’s GDP on subsidising climate-harming fuels. In a meeting with social partners, Prime Minister Robert Abela promised to retain these subsidies in the 2026 budget.

    According to the Commission, Malta maintains sizeable fossil-fuel subsidies without a planned phase-out before 2030. Many of these subsidies neither protect vulnerable households nor safeguard energy security, and hinder the shift to cleaner transport and industry.

    Both narratives overlook one crucial factor: Malta’s environmental footprint extends beyond its coastline. Our impact extends outward through ships and planes, our waste and electricity, and all that we consume to keep the island running.

    Against this backdrop, Dalli’s claim raises a key question: is Malta really such a small polluter?

    Speaking in Aalborg, Minister Dalli said:

    “To achieve [Climate neutrality by 2050] we need to have specific targets, but we want those targets to be fair, ensuring they follow the most cost-effective path. We want the national circumstances of different countries to be taken into consideration, particularly in our case, since we [Malta] are among the countries that pollute the least.”

    “We need to make sure that what we are agreeing upon is being implemented and is realistic for countries, particularly for small countries like Malta, where our position is to keep insisting that Malta is the country with the lowest per capita pollution in the European Union. We are making every possible effort, but we do not want to place a burden on the people.” 

    In 2023, more than a third of people (35%) in Malta reported exposure to pollution, grime, and other environmental problems. This is the highest share in the EU and nearly three times the EU average of 12%. High-earning households were even more affected than low-earning ones. However, the share was 40% in 2013.

    When we look at domestic net greenhouse gas emissions per capita, Malta’s are indeed third-lowest, as of 2023. But this calculation has an important caveat: “emissions from international aviation and maritime transport are excluded”.

    Counting emissions strictly within national boundaries fails to capture the total pollution generated by a country’s economy.

    Many other EU economies emit greenhouse gases to produce the goods and services people need, such as food or household items.

    Malta has the lowest share of agricultural production in its economy (alongside Luxembourg), the third-lowest share of manufacturing, and even the third-lowest share of construction.  That means, for all the added value generated in the Maltese consumer economy, the contribution of productive industries is minimal.

    To account for this, the EU also calculates greenhouse gas footprint. Here, as of 2022 Malta ranks in the middle third of EU countries emissions per capita linked to consumption.

    In other countries industry is a major generator of emissions. Malta has hardly any productive industry

    Malta’s invisible emissions: The sea and air

    That’s not everything. Footprint calculations follow “the concepts and definitions of national accounts.” These accounts do not include international aviation and navigation (shipping). According to UN standards, these are reported separately and are not subject to the limitation and reduction commitments under the Kyoto Protocol . This has left governments with fewer incentives to reduce emissions in these sectors.

    Malta’s tourism boom has seen an increase in aircraft travelling in and out of Malta.

    The Malta International Airport reported nearly 59,000 aircraft movements in 2024, up from around 51,000 in 2023 and some 40,000 in 2022. The amount of cargo flown in also increased, with planes transporting almost 24,000 tonnes of cargo in 2024. As of April Malta’s aircraft registry has 929 planes and other aircraft types.

    Meanwhile, Malta’s maritime registry grew by almost 10% in 2024, strengthening Malta’s position as the largest maritime registry in Europe and the sixth largest in the world.

    Ships can register in any country, without having links to it. Shipping companies, which already enjoy VAT advantages, can register in low-tax jurisdictions and compete with more environmentally friendly means of transportation.

    According to NSO’s latest data, there were 8,644 vessels under the Maltese flag as of 2022, with 797 new vessels added. Three-quarters of these new additions were pleasure yachts.

    The government has announced that in the first quarter of 2025, the registry surpassed 10,000, and Malta has the largest registry of superyachts in the world. 

    According to Eurostat (2023 data), with nearly 46,000 ships, Malta ranked 9th in the EU in terms of vessel arrivals. Meanwhile, data from Transport Malta shows that 779 vessels arrived in Malta with wheeled cargo, such as vehicles. Additionally, 470 ships transported crude oil, and 420 vessels carried cruise passengers.

    In 2023, the European Federation for Transport and Environment, an advocacy group, published a study on the cruise industry and stated that “The sector still relies almost entirely on fossil fuels of the dirtiest kind, full of toxic substances including sulphur.”

    In 2021, researchers at Indiana University estimated that a superyacht with a permanent crew, helicopter pad, submarines and pools is “by far the worst asset to own from an environmental standpoint”.

    Oxfam’s 2024 analysis found that “an ultra-rich European on their yachts emits, on average, as much carbon as an ordinary European would in 585 years”. It shows that 22% of superyachts’ overall emissions are generated while moored, which means that Malta-flagged superyachts moored elsewhere would pollute another country while enjoying exemptions from EU carbon pricing.

    A 2023 strategy document by the Transport Ministry aimed to “make Malta a jurisdiction of choice for the superyacht industry”, adding that “diligence must be exercised to ensure that coastal infrastructure and other activities associated with yachting do not cause pollution or deterioration of the coastal environment.” Words like ‘emissions’, ‘carbon’ and ‘greenhouse’ are never mentioned.

    The EU has taken steps to account for the pollution from planes and ships within the bloc. Companies flying to and from the EU must obtain emissions allowances. Since last year, the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) has been extended to maritime transport (shipping) emissions. For now, 12 companies are assigned to report to Malta.

    These changes mean that counting and reducing emissions is gradually becoming mandatory for ships and planes, through international frameworks that require reporting and impose reduction obligations— though these systems do not yet set absolute caps on total emissions. The rules on shipping are new and will be phased in gradually, so we will need to wait for statistics.

    Malta’s waste overseas: Over 130,000 tonnes sent abroad for recycling

    Waste is another item that Malta partly offloads to other countries. Its reliance on exporting waste for recycling (see our earlier reporting) makes it challenging to calculate what share of exported waste is actually recycled and what ends up burnt or landfilled abroad, generating emissions without satisfying consumer demand the way real recycling does.

    Ministers Miriam Dalli and Chris Bonnet at the Maghtab Facility. Photo credit: DOI

    According to 2023 NSO data, Malta sent around 130,000 tonnes of waste abroad for recycling and nearly 12,000 tonnes for energy recovery. 

    Plugged In Abroad:  A third of Malta’s electricity is imported

    Energy supply figures show that Malta’s dependence on energy imports increased between 2023 and 2024.

    Last year, nearly a third of Enemalta’s supply came from the Malta-Sicily interconnector (less than a quarter in 2023).

    About two-thirds of this import was generated by natural gas – a fossil fuel – and only 8% by renewables.

    A highly polluting power station in Marsa has been closed. Photo credit: Enemalta

    In absolute terms, the increase in electricity imports appears even more striking, rising from 648.36 GWh in 2023 to 970.42 GWh in 2024. Italy itself is a net importer – it imports energy for its own needs.

    Through the interconnector, Malta can also export energy, but these exports dwindled between 2022 and 2024.

    Minister Dalli refers to a “burden” in her comments after EU recommendations to stop subsidising fossil fuels.

    In July, ARMS Ltd, an entity under Dalli’s ministry, circulated individual letters to households, saying, “The government is fulfilling its commitment to support families amidst the increase in international oil and energy prices, which support is resulting in continuous savings for you.”

    According to the European Environment Agency, fossil fuel subsidies in 2023 in Malta represented the highest share of gross domestic product (GDP) among EU countries. Energy subsidies were the third-largest item in the Programmes and Initiatives category of the state budget, in the first half of 2025, after social security benefits and church schools.

    A recommendation drafted by the European Commission was scathing: “In Malta, fossil-fuel subsidies – such as the ongoing support to Enemalta, subsidies for petroleum producers, and a reduction of excise duties on petrol and diesel – are economically inefficient and act as disincentives to the uptake of renewables and the decarbonisation of economic activities. Moreover, they represent a budgetary burden on Malta’s public finances.”

    When considering domestic net greenhouse gas emissions per capita alone, Malta is indeed among the lowest polluters. However, it refuses to recognise the full picture.

    In the context of climate change, it is relevant to consider the total demand generated by each country’s consumer economy, not only emissions within its national boundaries. 

    When a country’s economy benefits from sectors not accounted for in the national emissions accounts, such as shipping, consumer products, and other services like electricity, it is essential to account for their emissions when examining the environmental impact of Malta’s economic activity. 

    Given Malta’s consumption emissions place closer to the EU average, its wide shipping industry, growing air travel, and increasing external electricity production, Minister Dalli’s statement that Malta is among the least polluting countries in the EU is misleading, especially when considering that one in three people in Malta have reported exposure to pollution, the highest in the EU.

    This is especially true in the context of measures to rein in climate change, which include phasing out environmentally harmful subsidies.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Did Abela Deliver Rule of Law Reforms “Lock, Stock and Barrel” And Make Malta ‘Best Practice’?

    FATTI: Did Abela Deliver Rule of Law Reforms “Lock, Stock and Barrel” And Make Malta ‘Best Practice’?

    In 2020, while vying for Labour Party leadership, Prime Minister Robert Abela reportedly dismissed the idea of adopting the Venice Commission’s reform proposals “lock, stock and barrel,” arguing Malta should “pick and choose.”

    Five years later, the rhetoric has shifted. Standing before the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly during his second term as Prime Minister in June 2025, Abela claimed:

    “When it comes to the absolute majority of the reforms, we took the report and implemented it lock, stock and barrel.”

    “[Malta] is an example of best practice when it comes to reforms.”

    But does the record back him up?

    At the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly in June, Prime Minister Robert Abela made a series of statements on reforms, rule of law, and press freedom.

    On Venice Commission recommendations:

    • “I am very proud to say that we implemented the Venice Commission report in full, apart from some very minor aspects, where unfortunately our opposition opposed.”
    • “By 2021, we finished a whole raft of reforms which had been suggested to us. We had absolutely no issue with the Venice Commission. I think the Venice Commission cites us as an example of best practice when it comes to reforms.”
    Robert Abela at CoE. Photo credit: Council of Europe / Alban Hefti

    On the safety of journalists and the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia:

    • “We have done an overhaul of our institutional setup following that case. (…)I think many other countries could look at us as an example and consider us as best practice when it comes to the implementation of the best rule of law practices. I think we have learned from that case and implemented robust reforms in practice.”
    • “We fully recognise the essential role that journalists play in a healthy democracy. It is part of our broad commitment to ensure that journalists can work freely and safely,” he said.

    The Venice Commission is the Council of Europe’s advisory body on constitutional matters. In 2018, in the wake of the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia, the Venice Commission recommended several reforms in the justice sector, including:

    • Dismissals of judges and magistrates should not be made by Parliament;
    • The judgments of the Constitutional Court finding legal provisions unconstitutional should have erga omnes force (which means that they should apply beyond an individual case);
    • Parliament should be strengthened by tightening rules on conflicts of incompatibility, notably as concerns appointments of MPs to Officially Appointed Bodies;
    • An increase in MPs’ salaries, allowing them to focus on parliamentary work.

    In 2020, the Venice Commission reminded Parliament to act on decisions where the “Constitutional Court [finds] a legal provision unconstitutional”, and issued several recommendations on the appointments to key enforcement positions.

    This, notably, introduces, as an anti-deadlock mechanism, the election of the Chief Justice by the judges of the Supreme Court in the absence of an agreement of two-thirds of the MPs for his or her election, and that the names of the three candidates should be published when the Judicial Appointments Committee transmits them to the President.

    In its detailed opinion that same year, it criticised the ‘rushed’ adoption of some suggested legal changes, without proper consultation.

    The latest Venice Commission opinion on Malta was issued in 2021 and related to substantial administrative penalties.

    Robert Abela at Coe. Photo credit: Council of Europe / Alban Hefti

    A 2024 rule of law report by the European Commission, which takes note of the recommendations by the Venice Commission, said “some further progress in pursuing efforts to improve the efficiency of the justice system”, but stressed that “anti-corruption recommendations issued following the public inquiry into the assassination of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia have not been implemented yet.” 

    According to the report, there was “no progress on establishing a robust track record of final judgments” in corruption cases.

    Malta continues to perform poorly according to the EU’s latest justice scoreboard:

    • Despite having more lawyers per capita than most EU countries, Malta fared worst in the EU in terms of lawyers’ independence. 
    • Malta was third-worst in terms of the use of digital technology by courts and prosecution services.
    • The estimated time to resolve judicial cases in Malta is among the longest.

    Neither the Venice Commission opinion nor the Rule of Law report on Malta contains the words “good” or “best practice”.

    The idea appears to originate from a Politico ‘Brussels Playbook’ sub-heading, titled ‘Best Practice Malta’, regarding an interview with then-EU commissioner Didier Reynders. Abela had tweeted that sub-heading, and then-justice minister Edward Zammit Lewis referenced it in a Times of Malta op-ed in 2021.

    Among the Venice Commission recommendations, the erga omnes principle, or at least an obligation for the parliament to remove unconstitutional laws, remains entirely unimplemented, as we have already reported.

    Recent judicial reforms have also courted controversy. Under a new law, Bill 125, ordinary citizens can no longer directly petition a magistrate to initiate a magisterial inquiry and must instead file a police report, waiting six months before approaching the courts.

    This, the EU’s rule of law report notes, “has given rise to strong criticism from some stakeholders about its potential impact on the prosecution of high-level offences” that will “effectively close off an important avenue for accountability and justice in Malta”.

    Unveiling the Maltese CoE presidency logo. Photo credit: Council of Europe / Abdesslam Mirdass

    Media aspects: Daphne Inquiry Recommendations Remain Unimplemented

    Between 2024 and 2025, Malta rose in the RSF media freedom index, but the authors noted:

    “In 2021, the conclusions of a public inquiry into investigative journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia’s murder listed an exhaustive list of reforms that the government has been reluctant to implement.

    The inquiry urged the government to establish a legal framework to protect journalists, guarantee self-regulation of the profession, and reform the Freedom of Information Act to curb the culture of secrecy. It also called for fair distribution of state advertising, among other measures.

    Demonstration calling for truth and justice for Daphne Caruana Galizia. Photo credit: Jeremy Debattista

    It further recommended creating an independent commissioner for journalism and amending the constitution to recognise journalism as a pillar of democracy, alongside the individual’s right to access information from the state.

    A bill on the protection of journalists, submitted to the Parliament, is stuck in the first reading. A public consultation on legal changes affecting journalists is ongoing.

    The European Commission’s Rule of Law report noted that there was “Some progress on adopting legislative and other safeguards to improve the working environment of journalists, and no progress on access to official documents”.

    Abela’s spokesperson did not reply to our request for comment.

    Despite some progress recognised by institutions, Venice Commission’s reforms are still implemented selectively. Authorities confirmed to the Rule of Law report that nothing is being done about the universal applicability of constitutional rulings. This is not a minor aspect, as it affects legal certainty for victims and has profound implications for human rights.

    The idea that Malta is a rule of law ‘best practice’ comes not from the Venice Commission, but from Politico’s Brussels Playbook – something that Abela acknowledged when this idea first came out in 2020, but not when delivering his address to the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly.

    Amphora Media did not find any evidence that “best practice” was said elsewhere, and our requests to the Prime Minister to clarify the claim were ignored.

    The commitment to ensuring that journalists can work freely and safely has yet to yield evidence, and concerns about the justice system’s effectiveness on the ground persist.

    In light of this evidence, the Prime Minister appears to continue with the selective approach he advocated for as a Labour leadership candidate, rather than the “lock, stock and barrel” approach he currently claims to apply. The claims voiced in the assembly are misleading.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Does Malta protect about one-third of its seas?

    FATTI: Does Malta protect about one-third of its seas?

    Malta has binding commitments to protect a portion of its sea waters, and international sources indicate that these commitments have not been adequately fulfilled. Meanwhile, listening to ministers’ and authorities’ repeated statements on the matter creates an impression that Malta’s marine protection coverage is impressive.

    The EU’s Biodiversity Strategy contains a target of protecting 30% of the EU’s seas. Officials say that Malta is currently protecting about a third of its waters. International sources show much lower numbers, under 10%.

    What’s behind the discrepancy?

    In a recent statement at an international event, Environment Minister Miriam Dalli said that “Malta protects more than 30% of its maritime zone, through Natura 2000 sites, scientific monitoring, and a €2 million conservation programme.” 

    The Environment & Resources Authority (ERA) also made claims in 2021 that it “designated over 35% of Malta’s waters as Marine Protected Areas.” Ambjent Malta, a government department, also cites the same figure.

    In June, Alicia Bugeja Said, Parliamentary Secretary for Fisheries, Aquaculture, and Animal Rights, referenced the over 30% figure of the Fisheries Management Zone as protected areas in a speech.

    Minister Miriam Dalli. Photo credit: DOI

    Meanwhile, the EU’s Biodiversity Information System for Europe (BISE) states that only 5.5% of Malta’s marine waters are covered by protected areas.

    The same figure appears on a dashboard managed by the EU’s Joint Research Centre. The UN Environment Programme’s Protected Planet website uses yet another figure: 7.83%. The same figure is used by the Marine Conservation Institute.

    This major discrepancy can make it confusing to understand whether Malta is on track with its marine protection targets.

    Although the government and international sources roughly agree on the size of Malta’s protected areas, they divide this figure by different reference areas. In mathematical terms, they use different denominators. The smaller the denominator (the territory by which the protected area’s size is divided), the larger the result of the division will be.

    How does Malta protect its sea?

    Marine territory can be protected under the Natura 2000 and/or national frameworks. The BISE website shows that the two largely overlap.

    The designated territories aim to protect specific habitats and species. Natura 2000 sites are not nature reserves – human activities like fishing or tourism are allowed, as long as protected species remain in good condition.

    Protection coverage of what, exactly?

    In her recent statement, Minister Dalli quoted an audit that said that more than 30% of Malta’s ‘maritime zone’ is protected.

    Both Ambjent Malta and ERA use the Fisheries Management Zone (FMZ) as the denominator.

    The EU’s Marine Strategy Framework Directive defines a country’s marine waters as coastal waters and “waters, the seabed and subsoil on the seaward side of the baseline from which the extent of territorial waters is measured extending to the outmost reach of the area where a Member State has and/or exercises jurisdictional rights, in accordance with the Unclos [United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea]”.

    This UN convention provides the following definitions:

    • Territorial sea – up to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles, making it the smallest unit;
    • Contiguous zone – up to 24 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured;
    • Exclusive economic zone, adjacent to the territorial sea – up to 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured.
    Explanation of the different zones by the US government. Source: US NOAA

    The convention further defines that in the exclusive economic zone, the coastal State has jurisdiction with regard to the protection and preservation of the marine environment.

    Malta’s environmental jurisdiction in this zone is confirmed by the Exclusive Economic Zone Act. The UN’s Protected Planet website, the Marine Conservation Institute and the Marine Regions website consider that Malta’s exclusive economic zone is just under 53,000 km², but EU websites state it is over 75,000km².  

    ERA’s spokesperson questions the use of exclusive economic zone for these calculations. “The [EU-wide] assessments citing 5.5% follow a much broader definition of “marine waters”, which makes the extensive Maltese MPA [marine protected areas] network look far smaller in percentage terms,” the spokesperson explained in response to Amphora’s questions.

    Only three EU countries have reached the target. Source: BISE

    In a research paper, the University of Malta’s marine geologist Aaron Micallef has called Malta’s large continental shelf, which is the size of the exclusive economic zone, “Malta’s largest single natural resource”.

    However, when it comes to calculating the extent of protection, he shares ERA’s view. “For the purpose of evaluating national protection targets under strategies like the EU Biodiversity Strategy or the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, the FMZ-based denominator is likely more appropriate, because it reflects Malta’s actual capacity and legal mandate to implement conservation measures,” he said.

    The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework is a UN framework. It sets a target to “Conserve 30% of Land, Waters and Seas”. Here, countries submit their own targets, and Malta’s target reflects the language of Malta’s National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan to 2030:

    “By 2030, 30% of Maltese land and 30% of the Maltese Fisheries Management Zone (FMZ) are legally protected and form part of the comprehensive and ecologically representative National Ecological Network.”

    In comparison, Croatia sets the target as “By 2030, protect 30% of marine areas under national jurisdiction.” The Spanish target mentions alignment with EU strategies and aims to protect 30% of the country’s marine surface. Italy speaks of “marine area under Italian jurisdiction” and France speaks of “maritime areas”.

    Ireland, which also has a large marine area, has the lowest protection coverage in the EU, and Malta is third-worst performer.

    What is the protected area?

    Government sources state that the area of the “FMZ is approximately 11,480 km²”. Malta has managed this extended fisheries zone, measured at 25 nautical miles outwards, since 1971. This is larger than the contiguous zone, but much smaller than the exclusive economic zone.

    Malta’s exclusive economic zone can extend to the size of its continental shelf. Source: Continental Shelf Department

    Legislation allows the government to designate an exclusive economic zone that coincides with the continental shelf, which is of similar size to the area used by the EU.

    An EU dashboard, which also uses the 5.5% protected area coverage figure, specifies that the figures are provided to the European Environmental Agency by member states. This suggests Malta must and does submit the larger reference figure when reporting progress towards the EU’s 30% target.

    Why is the Fisheries Management Zone area used locally?

    One clue comes from a 2024 strategy document, which states that “Most of the laws of Malta currently only apply up to the territorial waters and therefore it is necessary to extend the applicability of certain laws to exclusive economic zone areas or environment protection areas”.

    “The 35% figure is misleading if it’s meant to represent Malta’s total marine jurisdiction. The fisheries management zone is only a part of Malta’s seas,” says Jacob Armstrong, ocean policy manager at the World Wildlife Fund for Nature’s European Policy Office. 

    A spokesperson of the European Environmental Agency confirmed to Amphora Media that the area reported by Malta to the European Commission under various legal frameworks aimed at protecting Europe’s seas is indeed 75,715 km2 – the largest of the figures used, which is up to “200 NM [nautical miles] from the coast,” the spokesperson explained, which confirms that Malta uses this figure for EU frameworks.

    Source: European Atlas of the Seas

    Data shows that some protected areas are criss-crossed by intensive vessel traffic, and environmental stress is likely despite protection. Protected habitats experience pressures from fishing, pollution and water sports activities. This is allowed in Natura 2000 sites, but must be monitored and managed.

    Where Malta is free to choose the denominator, the extent of its marine protection coverage is correct. Malta uses FMZ coverage nationally and internationally, where it can formulate its own targets. However, this is somewhat arbitrary.

    But for international accountability purposes,  Malta’s “over 30% protected seas” claim is misleading.

    By international standards, the figure is under 10%, and we did not find another European Mediterranean country calculating its protection coverage with a fisheries management zone or contiguous zone (similar size) as a denominator.

    The FMZ is slightly larger than the contiguous zone and much smaller than the exclusive economic zone. It is a large area in comparison to Malta’s land mass, but it is not the area to consider when tracking Malta’s progress towards EU targets.

    Since this portion of the Mediterranean Sea is assigned to Malta, no other country will step in to ensure protection. If Malta does not step up, it will leave gaps in Mediterranean protection coverage.

    Flaunting the “more than 30%” figure, when the EU target is 30%, makes it look like Malta has already exceeded its EU commitment. However, according to international standards for calculating protected area coverage, Malta is far from fulfilling its commitment.

    In this context specifically, the use of this figure to claim that Malta protects a large part of its seas is misleading.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Is Malta “full-up”?

    FATTI: Is Malta “full-up”?

    “Malta is full-up.”

    You’ve heard it before: at the dinner table, on the street, or from politicians across the spectrum.

    It’s a bipartisan refrain, invoked by figures from both of Malta’s major parties, each wielding it to serve different agendas, be it economic strategy, asylum policy, public service pressures, infrastructure strain, or concerns over public safety.

    The latest to join the chorus is Nationalist Party (PN) MP Ivan Castillo, who wrote on Facebook:

    “Everyone knows it, although few have the courage to say it. (…) Malta is full-up. (…)  Overpopulation is the main problem. ”

    But does perception match reality? Our latest FATTI explores the narrative.

    Castillo, who called for using more AI and automation instead of foreign workers, is not the first or last politician to claim that Malta is “full-up”.

    In 2020, both Prime Minister Robert Abela and then-PN Leader and current leadership candidate Adrian Delia employed the “full up” narrative. 

    “Let’s have a common policy on regular immigration. Its central theme must be that our country is full up. […] This message must come, not just from the government, but from the government, the opposition, and civil society… our country is full up. Our country cannot handle more immigration,” Abela said at the time, about the arrival of asylum seekers.

    “The position regarding the arrivals of boat immigrants, that is, irregular immigrants, must remain one that Malta is full up,” he said another time.

    This year, in a consultation document on labour migration, Abela admitted that before the framework was developed, the labour migration market had been “unregulated”.

    Prime Minister Robert Abela

    Delia, meanwhile, said: “We are full, we have no space, our open centres are packed, overcrowded. […] This situation was brought about by this government. “Why? Because for six years it has been importing people with open doors: ‘come, come, come, we need people’.”

    Alex Borg, who is competing with Delia to become the next PN leader, recently said in a televised debate, “We do have a problem with the number [of foreigners], because the current government does not invest in infrastructure”, implying that people would not be complaining about population growth if infrastructure were adequate.

    Malta is the most densely populated EU country, leaving the runner-up, the Netherlands, far behind.

    Various indicators indicate an increasing demand for new resources and infrastructure in Malta, driven by population growth.

    The latest census (2021) showed that the population had grown by more than 100,000 over the past decade, while the foreign population had increased fivefold since 2011 and now surpassed 20%.

    Between 2022 and 2023 alone, Malta‘s population increased by 4%, or 21,564 new residents.

    Do asylum seekers and refugees play a role?

    This year, almost 0.2% of asylum seekers arriving in Europe via Mediterranean routes ended up in Malta.

    In 2023, the UNHCR reported that 11,412 refugees resided in Malta, alongside 2,005 asylum seekers, compared to a Maltese citizen population of almost 405,000 and a foreign population of around 148,000.

    This means that people with pending asylum cases or granted protection are around 9% of foreigners in Malta.

    If we add the 738 rejected asylum seekers still living in Malta (data until March 2023), the migrants arriving via the asylum route are around 10% of the foreigners in Malta. 

    Asylum seekers, refugees, TCNs – what’s the difference?

    Third-country nationals (TCNs) are non-EU nationals who do not have free movement rights in the EU – this includes Brits but not Norwegians, because Norway is a member of the European Economic Area, where free movement of workers applies. 

    Asylum seekers are non-EU nationals who have asked for protection and their cases are being processed;

    Refugees are those who were forced to flee their country and cannot return.

    The claims that Malta was under disproportionate pressure from asylum seekers may have rung true in between 2011 and 2013, when Malta was No. 1 in the EU in terms of asylum seekers per population.

    After years of hovering around four asylum seekers per 1,000 inhabitants, the number increased to 8.14 in 2019, making Malta the second-highest in the EU after Cyprus.

    By 2023, Malta was no longer among the top 10 EU countries in terms of asylum applications per capita. Other small countries, notably Cyprus, Luxembourg and Estonia, processed more asylum claims per 1,000 inhabitants than Malta.

    Under 200 lived in government-maintained open centres in 2024 – down from 1,621 in 2019. Only 701 applications for asylum were lodged, while there are 1,497 pending cases.

    Labour migrants come through different channels. 

    In an interview with The Malta Independent in 2018, Clyde Caruana, then chairman of JobsPlus, stated that JobsPlus was pursuing the employment of third-country nationals to sustain Malta’s economic growth and its pension system.

    “If the economy continues to grow, we will have to import foreigners, no questions asked. If we don’t, the economy will grow at a smaller rate,” he said.

    When the pandemic began and many non-EU workers reportedly repatriated, then-Finance Minister Edward Scicluna told the press:

    “When the private sector began to grow and could not find local workers, then naturally they began searching in Europe for workers,” he was quoted as saying to the Malta Independent.

    By 2021, the Malta Chamber of Commerce called on the government to reform taxation in a way that “attracts, not detracts, foreigners from working in Malta” and to launch “an international marketing campaign showcasing Malta as a career destination”.

    Specific key sectors attract foreign (EU and non-EU workers) to Malta.

    The latest Eurostat data show that there were 34,000 workers from other EU countries and 97,000 workers from non-EU countries.

    According to the latest report by the Malta Gaming Authority (MGA), there were 7,554 non-Maltese workers in online activities licensed by MGA and 422 in casinos in 2024 – nearly three-quarters of all workers in both cases.

    Almost 10,000 non-EU workers were employed in the hospitality and ancillary sectors in 2022.

    Other factors, including traffic and tourism, also contribute to the pressure on infrastructure and services, with the government’s plan to bring in up to 4.5 million tourists in 2035 already raising concerns.

    In 2023:

    • Tourists spent 20 million nights, at points bringing an average of nearly 56 thousand additional users of infrastructure and services on any given day.
    • 6,863 EU citizens and 33,120 third-country nationals moved to Malta, while 5,952 EU citizens and 13,560 third-country nationals moved out, increasing to 911 EU and 19,560 non-EU citizens.
    • There were more vehicles than Maltese citizens (although fewer than total residents) on the islands – nearly 439 thousand vehicles in total.

    In 2023, for every thousand Maltese citizens shared space and infrastructure with:

    • 101 tourists,
    • 267 resident foreign citizens, 
    • among them, 21 refugees,
    • Only four asylum seekers.

    Inbound tourists in 2024 amounted to 3,563,618, while total nights surpassed 22.9 million – a 19.5% increase compared to 2023. 

    Malta being “full-up” will always be a matter of perception. However, the causes behind Malta’s overpopulation issues are clear – and have little to do with men, women and children seeking asylum in the country.

    Malta’s high population density may contribute to the feeling that the country is ‘full-up’ and its resources are stretched.

    However, it is not sharing the limited space and resources with refugees and asylum seekers that creates a strain: a Maltese resident shares them with four times as many tourists and 11 times as many immigrants who came to Malta for other reasons.

    Instead, it is a longstanding policy to import legal foreign labour and supercharge the tourism sector and the national econom,y which is significantly contributing to the population growth in the country. 

    Malta was seeing increases in asylum applications in 2018-2019 and, for a time, topped the EU list of countries with a high rate of asylum seekers. Five years later, none of the urgency (understandable at the time) is justified.

    Today, the claim that Malta is full-up with refugees and asylum seekers is false – and it’s the narratives surrounding economic growth built on population growth, whether that’s employment or tourism, that need to be challenged.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • FATTI: Is Malta Leading The Way On Climate Change Action And Adaptation?

    FATTI: Is Malta Leading The Way On Climate Change Action And Adaptation?

    Climate change, adaptation and resilience are key government priorities—or at least, that’s what Malta’s politicians claim. But even the National Audit Office, in a damning June report, found that measures to address it lacked clear ownership, timeframes, monitoring, and evaluation.

    Still, that hasn’t stopped Malta’s politicians—whether in government or opposition—from making bold claims about their ability or intent to tackle the climate crisis, with Malta’s parliament even unanimously declaring a climate emergency in 2019. 

    But have the words translated to long-term, sustained action? Our latest FATTI looks at the details. 

    In a recent press release, the Climate Action Authority (CAA), launched in October 2024, said that “Malta [was] at the forefront of planning for climate change adaptation”.

    The authority claimed that it was “the first of its kind in the European Union” and was working on an important plan, without providing any further details.

    “In the coming weeks, meetings are also scheduled with social partners and civil society to create a realistic, inclusive, and feasible plan,” the statement continued before concluding:

    “Malta is sending a clear message: climate resilience is a national priority.”

    The Climate Action Authority (CAA) was launched with the promise of implementing a legal framework that would evaluate local policies related to climate-friendliness.

    That year, the Climate Action Act was also adopted. It outlines the functions of the CAA, including the requirement “to ensure that all policy and legislation directly affecting climate change is reviewed in consultation with the Authority. The CAA can independently impose administrative penalties but not pass laws itself.

    However, strategies and plans to address the climate crisis are not a new development. Malta adopted its first Climate Change Adaptation Strategy in 2012, while the Climate Act was introduced in 2015 and later reformed in 2024 to establish the CAA.

    Minister Miriam Dalli. Photo credit: DOI

    Malta, meanwhile, has agreed to the EU’s Green Deal. However, Finance Minister Clyde Caruana has said that he is sceptical of the ability of member states, including Malta, to reach said targets.

    In its first report on climate policies, including CAA, the National Audit Office noted that “infrastructural and greening projects with adaptation-related benefits were generally not being supplemented with climate proofing assessments”. 

    The Climate Action Act requires that within each ministry, the permanent secretary acts as a climate action coordinator and submits inputs to the CAA. However, this law does not establish emissions reduction targets.

    The CAA has been assigned to implement the EU’s Emissions Trading System, which allocates emissions allowances to polluting companies, allowing them to trade on the carbon market, including through auctions.

    Its performance according to the Climate Change Performance Index (CCPI) is low. Malta is ranked 34th out of 63 countries, while the implementation of climate policies is considered “poor”.

    The government’s own Research Innovation Unit agrees: “Malta’s slow progress can be attributed to a combination of economic factors, fragmented climate governance, and the underutilisation of the Research Innovation Unit (RIU)”. The unit’s expert insights have remained underused by the central government.

    Climate Action Authority’s CEO Abigail Cutajar. Photo credit: DOI

    Meanwhile, the “ambitious” and “pioneering” solar and offshore wind plans described by  Minister Miriam Dalli and the Energy and Water Agency remain at the planning stage. A tender has been issued and is still open.

    “While the government is congratulating itself on setting up a novel Climate Action Authority, we continue seeing inaction on climate change. A cross-sectoral authority on climate change is an excellent idea – but only if it has real power and the political will backing it, and has the mandate to assess and advise on proposed projects on the basis of their climate impacts,” Friends of the Earth Malta, an environmental organisation, wrote in a statement.

    In the 2025 budget speech, the finance minister also promised “Carbon-free economy by 2050”, which is impossible as production and life itself create carbon emissions, so most policymakers use the term ‘carbon neutral’ instead to mean that the carbon emitted is balanced with the carbon absorbed.

    Miriam Dalli’s recent visit to CAA. Photo credit: DOI

    Malta has made some progress in reducing emissions, largely due to the switch from fuel oil to liquified natural gas for energy generation and the construction of an electricity interconnector.

    Still, between mid-2023 and mid-2024, Malta recorded the fastest-growing emissions in the EU. Growth has since slowed and is now below the EU average, but emissions are still rising.

    Meanwhile, despite a temporary dip during the pandemic, transport emissions are growing substantially and are on track to overtake energy generation emissions.

    The government has decided to replace the expansion of an electric bus fleet with providing more grants for individuals and companies to purchase electric vehicles. CAA did not reply to questions about whether it was consulted about this.

    Malta Public Transport Buses

    Waste also contributes significantly, and households continue to burn diesel and gas for heating and cooling.

    Despite this, Malta remains somewhat unambitious in its climate commitments. While the EU has committed to a 40% emissions reduction by 2030 under the Effort Sharing Regulation, Malta negotiated a commitment to only 19%. The government considers even that too ambitious and wants to avoid it.

    The RIU, the government’s research arm, says that “Malta’s current approach misses the potential of a bottom-up strategy, where local councils and specialised units like the RIU are empowered to act. Local councils, when provided with the right resources, could implement inter-alia: pedestrianisation initiatives, low-emission zones, and urban greening projects—addressing key issues like overdevelopment and car dependence.”

    Malta has also committed to achieving only 10% share of renewable energy by 2020, but the expected renewable energy share in 2030 is below EU target. Malta’s share is the third-lowest in the EU, lagging behind Cyprus among others.

    Malta’s latest strategy outlines measures like EV grants, more charging stations, shore-to-ship power, and free public transport.

    However, it tracks investments and user numbers without measuring reductions in fossil-fuel use or car dependency. Experts told the CCPI that these initiatives often add to, rather than replace, fossil-fuelled trips.

    Questions about how CAA spends the Climate Action Fund were ignored. Neither Transport ministry’s spokesperson nor permanent secretary Bjorn Callus did not reply to Amphora’s questions about any inputs exchanged with CAA on transport policy.

    Contrary to political statements, Malta is a laggard, not a leader, in the climate transition, with unambitious goals and a lack of vision for transformation.

    Amphora Media has not found any evidence that establishing the Climate Action Authority has introduced more ambition or more accountability in climate policymaking.

    There is no proof that establishing a government entity or drafting more plans counts as “punching above its weight”, as its CEO claimed, or being at the “forefront”.

    An analysis of policies in key areas confirms the National Audit Office’s insights that ownership, timeframes, monitoring and evaluation are lacking.

    In other words, wishlists are abundant, but nobody takes on the task of assigning tasks and determining how their success will be measured.

    Due to EU commitments and thanks to its funding, Malta is taking some moderate, unambitious steps towards reducing its impact on the climate, and there is no evidence that climate is treated as an emergency when it comes to concrete action.

    In this context, political claims that Malta prioritises climate mitigation or leads the way are false.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.