An explosion at the Lourdes fireworks factory in the Ta’ Qadi area of Naxxar, near Salina, shook nearby buildings and shattered windows. No people were killed. A nearby farmer and his son were injured. Political leaders offered sympathy and thanked first responders. The explosion soon appeared in international news.

Several animals were injured and killed in the blast, including race horses, and concerns were  raised over the contamination of food and feed.

Veronica Camilleri, who has resided in the area for over five decades, described the damage to her property to Amphora Media.

“Hinges and hooks flew off the doors, windows burst open, and anything on the windowsill was destroyed. My husband and I had minor scratches on our arms from the debris. We also had our boundary wall dislodged.”

“With every noise I hear now, I jump out of my skin. My husband, if he wakes up at night, can’t get back to sleep.”

She says she has filed a police report and started an insurance claim. Malta Today has reported that over 50 police reports of damage to livestock and property have been filed. The MaYA Foundation, which represents young farmers, has invited all affected farmers to reach out: “no one should feel that they have to face these challenges alone”.

This is not the first time the site has blown up. And in the years since the last explosion, the factory has been built partly without sanction, expanded with the regulator’s approval, and supported by public money to improve safety.

Who runs the factory?

Ghaqda Piroteknika 11 ta’ Frar San Gwann, a registered voluntary organisation, has declared that the factory in the Ta’ Qadi area is theirs.

Planning Authority filings indicate that it is built on government land and used by the San Gwann fireworks association. The Malta Pyrotechnic Association says farmers made the land available to fireworks enthusiasts in the 1980s.

Photos on the San Gwann association’s own Facebook page show men handling piles of explosives, both outdoors and indoors.

Planning Authority filings note a lack of nearby water hydrants, a gap that was predicted to make the work of first responders considerably harder.

Francis Xuereb is the president of the association, and the applicant on PA filings for the Ta’ Lourdes Factory. 

When asked, he told Amphora Media that he would not respond to questions regarding the incident. He said that neither he nor the fireworks association had responsibility over the land. He insisted he could not respond to questions when he was told his name was listed on the application. After the earlier explosion at the same factory, he told the media that everybody working with fireworks was duly licensed by the police.

In a statement following the explosion, the association claimed that, thanks to Our Mother of Lourdes, the firework technicians were unharmed. The association thanked emergency responders for their assistance.

2018: A Previous Explosion

The site has exploded before. In 2018, a blast destroyed part of the complex. At the time, Xuereb, as the Association’s President, said seven people were inside, two of whom suffered grievous injuries.

The factory had built unsanctioned structures, subject to PA fines. In June 2025, the Planning Authority approved the factory’s application to sanction building extensions, to build extra rooms and a water reservoir. The Building & Construction Authority validated the application’s declaration required for the works just last month.

For the application, the fireworks factory received a report from Fireworks Factory Complexes Policy Technical Committee, which instructed the factory to make sure that blast walls are kept empty, that an open shed is not used for fireworks manufacturing, and that vegetation on site and, when possible, in adjacent fields is cleared.

Supported by the government

The Lourdes fireworks factory was among those selected for the Arts Council Scheme to improve infrastructure and safety, allocating €5,000 per factory since 2018. The Arts Council’s annual report for 2021 shows that the association was allocated €5,000 for paving entryways and passages.

Asked whether it confirmed that security was improved, the Arts Council did not reply.

The factory was included among the Valletta 2018 locations.

“No one here is against fireworks, because they’re our tradition and they’re pretty,” says Veronica Camilleri, who has been living in the area before the fireworks factory was built and has suffered from the latest explosion. “But it is a dangerous – let’s call it – industry, so it has to be checked regularly, to see what they’re doing, how much they’re storing, how they’re storing it.”

What are fireworks manufacturers’ obligations?

By law, all individuals involved in the manufacture, storage, and discharge of fireworks must be trained and hold a licence from the police. For this, they must be recommended by a licensee, attend a course and pass an interview.

The police spokesperson did not reply when asked about the breakdown of licence holders allowed to work in this factory.

It is forbidden to manufacture fireworks without a licence. Only persons with specified types of licences are allowed to handle fireworks in factories, and a holder of the highest (A) licence category is in charge. Also, according to the law, any maintenance personnel must be authorised by the divisional police inspector responsible for the district and accompanied by the licensee of the fireworks factory. 
Regulations require that persons who discharge fireworks, which means setting them off insure their operations against a sum of €300,000, covering damage to third parties too. But manufacturing and storage are not mentioned.

Malta Pyrotechnic Association has appointed Global Insurance Brokers Limited to provide insurance for fireworks manufacturers. Commenting on the explosion, Global Insurance Brokers said this only covers transit and displays of fireworks during events. Malta Pyrotechnic Association did not reply to Amphora Media’s questions.

According to the law, in case of any breach of regulations, the Police Commissioner shall suspend the licence issued to the licensee, and/or any other person directly involved in the contravention. The police spokesperson declined to comment on the case while a magisterial inquiry and police investigations are ongoing.

A New York Times review of securities filings from nearly 500 companies showed that they avoided at least $40 billion in taxes by attributing hundreds of billions of dollars in earnings to low- or no-tax foreign jurisdictions such as Malta, Cyprus, Bermuda, Switzerland, and the Cayman Islands. Amphora Media contributed to the research.

The investigation, which focuses on the impact of the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from a global effort to curb offshore tax avoidance by multinational companies. Offshore tax strategies don’t necessarily break any laws in the US, but experts who spoke to the NYT said it had gone too far.

“A favourite destination was the tiny Mediterranean island of Malta, where Abbott Laboratories, the pharmaceutical giant, has claimed all its global profits were earned by a subsidiary with no employees. Malta helped the company cut its tax bill by $336 million last year, the filings show,” the NYT article reads.

“Abbott made Malta the final destination of a cat-and-mouse game to stay one step ahead of tax authorities. In 2023, the drugmaker created a subsidiary in Bermuda, which had no corporate income tax. But Bermuda enacted one to comply with the O.E.C.D., which was scheduled to take effect in January 2025.”

“On Dec. 19, 2024, 13 days before the new Bermuda law kicked in, Abbott shifted the tax residency of the subsidiary to Malta, filings show. In 2024, the Abbott unit reported $17 billion in net income — more than its total global profit — and no income taxes anywhere.” 

“Malta helped Abbott cut its tax bill by nearly 20 per cent last year, filings show. The documents also disclose the number of employees at the Malta entity: zero. “

The US Internal Revenue Service is now challenging more than $1 billion of Abbott’s savings, U.S. Tax Court filings show. As part of that dispute, the agency contends that a transaction generating $8 billion of deductions to shield profit from the U.S. minimum offshore tax was abusive and lacked economic substance.

Abbott is far from alone in choosing Malta. According to the NYT, Thermo Fisher Scientific, the scientific equipment maker, used the island to cut its taxes by $3.5 billion last year

S&P Global, the ratings company, trimmed its bill by $269 million through Maltese subsidiaries. Yum Brands, owner of KFC, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell, saved $121 million. Crocs, the shoemaker, saved $47 million by using Malta, where the company has no offices.

The International Tax Observatory, a research group at the Paris School of Economics, says profits allocated by U.S. companies to Malta soared to $5.6 billion in 2022 from $134 million in 2017.

In 2021, the Biden administration said it would join an effort coordinated by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development to impose a minimum corporate income tax of 15 per cent. 

That levy applies on a country-by-country basis, avoiding the blending loophole and reducing the incentive to shift income into tax havens. Dozens of nations signed on, including most European Union members, Japan, Britain and Australia.

In 2022, the European Union issued a directive permitting a handful of countries, including Malta, to delay carrying out the 15 per cent minimum tax. That tax in Malta will not kick in until the end of 2029.

The election brought the ruling Labour Party (PL) its fourth victory, with nearly 52% of the vote. Third parties and independents collected just over 3.5% among them.

Malta Today’s survey underestimated the PL’s performance by over 1 percentage point and was remarkably precise in estimating the performance of the opposition Nationalist Party (PN), with a difference of less than half a percentage point. However, it predicted over 5% would go to third parties and a lower turnout than in 2022. This did not happen. Earlier surveys by Malta Today predicted an even larger share for third parties.

The Times of Malta overestimated the PL’s share of the vote by 1.7 percentage points and underestimated the PN’s by a similar margin. It does not look like much, but, taken together, the Times of Malta’s survey had the least accurate estimate of the gap between the two parties. The Times of Malta predicted a much larger gap in the PL’s favour, at 33,600 voters. The gap estimated in the April survey was much closer to the actual election outcome.

This survey was extremely precise in the estimate of third-party vote, placing it at 3.6%. Earlier surveys predicted a similar result.

The Times of Malta also made a very accurate prediction of the turnout, which was slightly overestimated. The turnout predicted in The Times of Malta’s 17th of June survey was 87.9% – very close to the actual figure of 87.4%.

The latest survey by Vincent Marmara also severely overestimated the gap between the two main parties, projecting it at 30,000. Accordingly, it overestimated the PL’s performance and underestimated the PN’s performance by under 2 percentage points to each side. 

It was precise (within half a percentage point) in estimating the share that third parties and independents would get. Across four surveys he conducted since February, the gap was consistent and much larger than it ultimately turned out to be. Turnout predictions in surveys earlier in May were similar to Malta Today’s and much lower than the actual turnout.

All in all, it appears that Malta Today’s survey was the most precise in capturing preferences between the two establishment parties, but overestimated the protest vote (third-party vote and non-voting). The Times of Malta and Vincent Marmara’s surveys predicted a much more favourable outcome for the PL than what materialised.

Third parties and independents took 10,689 votes in the general election, or 3.55% of the total, a marginal rise on the 3.15% they collected in 2022, and almost double the 1.29% recorded in 2017. 

Momentum, launched and led by long-standing candidate Arnold Cassola, was the best-performing third party at its first attempt, taking 1.54% of the vote. 

Cassola himself did the heavy lifting. He pulled 795 first-count votes in the 10th district, nearly double the 427 he scored there previously, and another 722 in the 9th. Mark Philip Camilleri Gambin also performed well in the 11th district, receiving 532 first-count votes.

It’s reflected in the overall district results. Momentum performed best on the 10th district (3.66%), 9th (3.16%), and 11th (2.35%), 

That result runs counter to the trajectory of ADPD, Malta’s longest-running third party. ADPD slipped from 1.61% in 2022 to 1.31% in 2026, losing about 750 votes, and ceding its position as the largest third-party. Leader Sandra Gauci announced she would step back from politics following the result.

Gauci was the third-best-performing third-party candidate, receiving 513 first-count votes in the 12th district and 455 first-count votes in the 6th.

Further down, Aħwa Maltin edged up to 0.60% (from 0.52% in 2022). Imperium Europa managed just 167 votes, only six more than the combined total of every independent candidate in the country.

Third parties ran a meaningful share of candidates this year. Of the 162 people on the ballot, just over 14% came from third parties. With eight candidates, ADPD had the largest representation, followed by Momentum and Aħwa Maltin with seven candidates each.

Yet representation on the ballot does not translate into a level contest. Third parties navigate an obstacle course of historical loyalties, a lack of media infrastructures for propaganda and donation marathons, and an Electoral Commission that supports the duopoly.

The Electoral Commission counts votes, publishes election results and campaign expenses, reviews electoral division boundaries, and can initiate suspending an election if it alleges illegal or corrupt practices. 

Under Malta’s decades-long political duopoly, the rule that the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition propose their members effectively means that only the dominant parties can significantly influence the institution’s make-up.

ADPD’s chairperson, Sandra Gauci, told Amphora Media that her party had to “fight tooth and nail” to get access to real-time voting counts through the Electoral Commission’s laptops. Momentum’s chairperson, Arnold Cassola, too, pointed out that PL and PN members received voting updates every five minutes, while smaller parties are excluded from the process.

But what shaped the vote itself? Which promises landed? And, with the campaigning over, which of them can realistically be delivered? This is a look back at the issues that drove the campaign and at the ones that barely featured.

Stability in the Economy & Energy 

Throughout the campaign, Prime Minister Robert Abela cast himself and his government as the experienced, trusted hands needed to steer the country through what he repeatedly called “global crises”; the reason, he said, that he had called a snap election in the first place. 

He worked to draw a sharp line between his own record and the relative inexperience of Alex Borg, who is still only 30 and less than a year into the Nationalist Party leadership.

Abela made repeated digs against Borg’s economic credentials in each national debate. This line was echoed among key Labour Party figures, including Finance Minister Clyde Caruana.

However, Borg’s performance, given the relative proximity to his ascending to the top of the PN, may concern the PL moving forward.

Malta has experienced strong economic growth. The European Commission’s spring forecast projects Malta’s economy to grow by 3.7% this year, the highest rate in the EU.

“The expansion is driven by robust domestic consumption and a thriving tourism sector, and is projected to moderate to 3.7% in 2026 and 3.6% in 2027 as external economic conditions become less favourable,” it reads.

Maltese households have been relatively shielded from the price shocks felt elsewhere. The prices of water, electricity, gas and fuel have held steady thanks to government intervention. 

Energy Support Measures – subsidies designed to shield households and businesses from rising global energy prices – are projected at €172 million for 2026, bringing the running total to €968 million by year’s end.

Abela was unmovable on keeping fuel subsidies, and pressed the claim that Borg and a Nationalist government would scrap them.

Yet the cost of living remains a real anxiety, and not every voter feels the much-cited economic boom is reaching them. At the end of March 2026, central government debt stood at €11.4 billion — €621.8 million higher than a year earlier. 

Labour’s headline pledge was a yearly “super bonus” for eligible workers, paid directly by the government. Beyond that, its offer leaned on expansion rather than reinvention: widening the first-time buyers’ scheme, lifting pensions and improving working conditions.

Borg and the PN pitched a different emphasis. Their economic case opened with tax cuts for SMEs and start-ups and the removal of inheritance tax, then widened to include an industrial strategy.

Borg also promised to cut public debt, subsidise long-term rentals for young couples and low-income earners, and match pensions to the cost of living.

The marquee idea, though, was an offshore fuel hub, and it became a campaign flashpoint. Abela attacked it repeatedly, at one point claiming, infamously, that it had first been pitched to him by a “contrabandist.”

On energy, the PN floated “aggressive” solar and wind subsidies and pilot projects for Gozo.

Traffic

Traffic consistently ranks among voters’ top concerns, and it is costly to leave it as is. 

According to Malta’s National Transport Master Plan, congestion costs the economy €770 million in 2025 and is projected to reach €917 million a year by 2030. That figure excludes environmental costs, CO₂ and other air pollutants, expected to add a further €195.4 million a year

In April 2026, days before the election was called, the government and Transport Minister Chris Bonett announced a revised €2.8 billion ‘La Valette’ light rail line, and Labour campaigned on it. 

Borg highlighted transport issues and championed his party’s mass transportation system, saying he was ready to resign if it failed. He regularly criticised the government for proposing a mass transport system but failing to deliver beyond the study stage.

Both parties avoid discouraging private car use. The PL has said it will keep subsidising fossil fuels, while the PN has hinted at reducing car dependence through changes to urban design and infrastructure to support alternatives.

Tourism, Population & Migration

This campaign was set against the backdrop of growing concerns about migration, overtourism, population, and a collapsing birth rate. 

Malta’s tourism numbers have more than doubled in a decade. The population has ballooned past 575,000. Absorbing that surge has eroded housing affordability, intensified development, stretched local capacity to manage waste and noise, and fed rising resident dissatisfaction. 

Yet despite concerns among residents, the issues did not form part of key campaign issues. Omar Rababah’s candidacy and questions about the development of a mosque drove the discussion.

The proposals on the table mostly addressed how to redistribute flows and revenue rather than curb low-cost tourism itself.

The Labour Party focused on giving councils direct revenue from outdoor dining permits and tourists’ eco-taxes, in addition to the incumbent administration’s reforms targeting short lets and hotels.

Both present incentives for family-friendly policies, but on migration, both focused on ramping up existing policies. 

The PN, on its part, presented a joint task force between the police and army on irregular migration and drug crimes, which was criticised by the PL.

The Environment

Environment and climate are regularly among the top 5 concerns for Maltese people and the 4th-highest concern for young people. Despite its booming economy, Malta lags behind most EU countries in key sustainable development metrics.

It was a focus of the election, but more on economic value and energy dependence.

The PL said it would reach a 25% renewable energy by 2030. Fourteen EU countries had already surpassed this target in 2024. It said it would also expand the shore-to-ship system, which, according to the latest data used by vessels 9% of the time.

It has pledged to continue the practice of hunting and reduce enforcement when offenders are caught committing environmental crime. The FKNK openly endorsed Gozo and Planning Minister Clint Camilleri, who is also responsible for the sector, during the election.

Subsidising fossil fuels has also received criticism.

The PN focused on investing in the green tech industry. But this push towards implementing legal safeguards against development on agricultural land, and an overhaul of planning policies and protection of ODZ.

It would also purchase private land in urban cores to create parks and gardens, introduce “aggressive” subsidies for solar and wind technology, and pilot projects for Gozo.

Like the PL, it said it would retain hunting and trapping despite court rulings.

Issues noticeably absent from the public debate:

Crime, Justice & Corruption

Malta is officially becoming safer. However, there is more domestic violence, drug-related, and environmental crime. Justice remains slow, and Malta continues to perform poorly on the EU’s justice scoreboard.

Corruption remains a significant issue. The Vitals case is ongoing, and several cabinet members resigned during the previous election amid major allegations. Roderick Galdes was even blocked from running.

However, Borg offered barely a whimper on the subject, choosing to focus on policy rather than on good governance issues. The PN had previously been accused of doing too little. It remains to be seen whether the party will ever commit to presenting major visions on both.

Equality, Education & Health

Malta’s changing economy and settlement patterns have affected different groups of the population unevenly. An equality and inclusion policy would help address gaps. However, it was among the weakest areas of the campaign.

Rarely a subject of political controversy, the education sector has seen several promises by both parliamentary parties. This is amid worrying trends: stagnating A-level attainment, disparities between state, church and independent schools, and gaps in women’s labour market attainment despite higher education.

On health, the PN made wide-ranging proposals, but as the campaign wore on, they seemed to be pushed further and further to the back. The Vitals case was referenced, but more for lost time and resources than for criminality. 

The gap is projected to be between 18,000 and 19,000. This was conceded by the Nationalist Party (PN).

The turnout was higher than in 2022.

In 2026, total voter turnout reached 87.42%, up by 1.8% from 2022.

Across the 2003, 2008, 2013, and 2017 general elections, the figure drifted downward yet never once fell below 92%. Then came 2022, when turnout slipped by roughly 7 points from the previous election to 85.6%.

The electorate itself has been steadily expanding. Between 2003 and 2022, the roll of registered voters grew by 19.2%, climbing from 297,930 to 355,075. By 2026, the number of eligible voters reached 356,832, a net gain of 1,767.

This year, the highest turnout was in the 7th district, and the lowest was in the 12th.

These are the results by district:

• Three-quarters of Maltese respondents say the government is not doing enough to tackle climate change.
• Environment and climate are regularly among the top 5 concerns for Maltese people and the 4th-highest concern for young people.
• 35% of people in Malta reported exposure to pollution in 2023 — the highest share in the EU.
• Between mid-2023 and mid-2024, Malta recorded the fastest-growing emissions in the EU. Malta has negotiated its 2030 emissions target down to 19% — less than half the EU’s 40% commitment.
• The government has set up the Climate Action Authority, but its impact remains negligible.
• Malta is the highest proportionate spender on fossil fuel subsidies in the EU, projected at €172 million in 2026.
• Effective protection of natural spaces and enforcement of environmental law are lacking.

Do voters actually care about the environment?

Yes – and consistently – if surveys are the measure to go by. EU-wide surveys put the environment and climate change among the top five concerns for Maltese people.

A 2022 Ernst & Young survey of Maltese found that 93% of young people believe the environment is getting worse. Nearly half of millennials and 40% of Gen Z see it as a major challenge. 

But what do people want? More greenery and less traffic, according to a 2024 survey of children and adolescents.

Maltese respondents say they are ready to sacrifice EU competitiveness to fight climate change, and half are ready to pay more for climate-friendly agricultural products. 

In a 2024 survey, when asked about climate adaptation priorities, two in five Maltese called for tree-lined streets or green spaces to cool urban areas. 

Failing to address the environment can have a devastating impact on Malta’s reputation and industries that rely on it. 

“If people come to the island and they think it’s dirty, full of rubbish and so on, they won’t come,” tourism researcher Marie Avellino told Amphora Media in our short-lets investigation.

How much does Malta spend on the environment? 

Before the last general election, the environment held its own dedicated ministerial portfolio. Since 2022, however, it has been folded into Miriam Dalli’s expansive super-ministry covering Energy, Environment, and Public Cleanliness.

The ministry commands one of the largest budgets in government, with projected annual expenditure of €470 million in 2026. 

The Ministry has also been the largest spender on direct orders and has maintained an uncompetitive public procurement system since Robert Abela became Prime Minister in 2020.

The United Equipment Co (UNEC) Ltd, part of Bonnici Group, was the top beneficiary, receiving over €32.2 million in direct orders for power generation, infrastructural works, industrial supplies, equipment procurement and more.

The Ministry’s single largest outlay is the Energy Support Measures – subsidies designed to shield households and businesses from rising global energy prices – projected at €172 million for 2026, following an actual spend of €183 million in 2024. 

In total, energy support measures will cost Malta €968 million by the end of the year.

Actual expenditure for 2022: €234,189,597
Actual expenditure for 2023: €227,178,199 
Actual expenditure for 2024: €183,200,785
Approved estimate for 2025: €152,000,000 
Estimate for 2026: €172,000,000

This is proportionately more than any other EU country spends and is, alone, one of the largest items in the entire government budget. The EU’s Council has urged the government to “wind down” the subsidies.

The second-largest expense is the Solid Waste Management Strategy at roughly €41 million, followed by €23 million allocated to the feed-in tariff, which compensates households for solar energy sold back to the grid.

On the purely environmental side, the largest line item is the Environment and Resources Authority, whose projected 2026 operating budget is €21.8 million – a notable drop from the €24.4 million spent the year before.

Is climate change treated as an emergency?

Officially, yes. Malta’s parliament unanimously declared a climate emergency in 2019. However, actions have been limited to the creation of the Climate Action Authority (CAA) in October 2024.

An Amphora Media fact-check uncovered that the CAA’s claims that “Malta [was] at the forefront of planning for climate change adaptation” lacked substance and were false. 

Despite its booming economy, Malta lags behind most EU countries in key sustainable development metrics. Meanwhile, commitments are unambitious: the EU has committed to a 40% emissions reduction by 2030, but Malta negotiated its commitment down to only 19%. 

Malta was absent from the Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels conference, where the so-called High Ambition Coalition convened to design measures to address climate change in the absence of UN-level consensus.

Malta is currently ranked 34th out of 63 countries in the Climate Change Performance Index, with the implementation of climate policies rated “poor”. 

Between mid-2023 and mid-2024, Malta recorded the fastest-growing emissions in the EU.  It should be noted that international aviation and maritime transport emissions, important in the Maltese economy, are excluded from calculations.

Flight intensity, cruise liner arrivals, and Malta’s maritime registry – and the pollution that comes with them – have also grown. Malta currently has the largest registry of superyachts in the world and a growing airline registry that includes Ryanair aircraft. Ryanair calls itself “Malta’s No. 1 Airline”.

Meanwhile, an Amphora Media’s investigation revealed that only one in 11 cruise ship calls plugged into shore-to-ship power despite its availability. 

Has Project Green actually greened Malta?

In response to environmental concerns, the government established  Project Green, which aims to protect nature and create accessible green spaces. 

As of October 2024, Project Green said it would be working on 118 projects within different localities. When asked by Amphora Media for a full list in April 2025, Project Green provided a list of 46 projects. 

This year, it has launched public consultation calls for public park works at Manoel Island, Fort Campbell and White Rocks.

Our 2025 analysis showed that a fifth of Project Green’s planning applications included car parks, while a majority of projects fell within the constituencies of Minister Miriam Dalli and Prime Minister Robert Abela.

Beyond that, the Maltese government also diverted nearly 12% of EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) funding to Project Green, with no clear benefits to farmers.

Is Malta becoming cleaner?

In 2023, more than a third of people (35%) in Malta reported exposure to pollution, grime, and other environmental problems. This is the highest share in the EU and nearly three times the EU average of 12%. According to the report, high-earning households were more affected than low-earning ones.

Malta still relies heavily on landfilling, while a proposed waste-to-energy incinerator remains what it has been since its announcement in 2017: a proposal. Concerns have also been raised over its potential effectiveness.

In 2024, Circular Economy Malta, a government agency, introduced a scheme to encourage shops to offer discounts or other benefits to users who bring their own containers. The agency claims that this initiative has successfully prevented the use of 63,524 single-use containers – 87% of them were detergent containers. The take-up in other sectors proved lagging.

Is the government protecting nature or hunters?

Hunting and trapping remain a hot-button issue for many Maltese. However, both the PL and the PN have often failed to take action against the practices, amid allegations that they are afraid to take on the 10,000-strong FKNK and risk losing votes.

Malta has been subject to infringement proceedings over bird trapping. Yet the government has regularly changed the rules to ensure that trappers are granted a scientific derogation to continue the practice. 

Our fact-check showed that trapping has not produced scientifically useful research. The government has still issued a €7,500 direct order to FKNK to carry out ‘scientific’ bird ringing (read more about direct orders).

Pledges for constitutional protection – either for hunters or the environment, as the PL and PN have done respectively – are non-enforceable in court, and penalties are mild, despite proposals from both the PN and PL.

Another Amphora Media fact-check showed that the government had not used cultural heritage tools for that purpose. Hobbies such as fireworks, hunting, trapping, and shooting have not been added to Malta’s inventory of intangible heritage.

PL’s 2022 electoral manifesto had something for nature and heritage lovers too: it promised “green networks” for ramblers, hikers and “all those who visit the Maltese countryside.”  It is not clear how a network would be defined.

Amphora Media spoke to Ingram Bondin, the president of Ramblers’ Association of Malta to check up on the status of the network.

“It’s not ready, by any means, and it was a very slow process,” he said, praising Ambjent Malta for maintaining existing trails but pointing out that there is no network to speak of.

“[To move forward] you have to identify the sites that you really want the public to visit, and you have to break some eggs. For example, we have very beautiful sites that are becoming inaccessible as large landowners buy up everything. So if you want to give the public access to some of the most beautiful sites in Malta, you will have to challenge this.”

Bondin says that there is a lot of appetite for walkable spaces as people want “to relieve themselves from the construction, and the general chaotic environment of the towns”.

Are Malta’s seas ignored in the environmental conversation?

The sea is arguably Malta’s only wilderness. The EU’s Biodiversity Strategy sets a target of protecting 30% of the EU’s seas, and members of Malta’s government say the country is protecting about a third of its waters. Does it mean that the target has been achieved?

Our fact-check showed that this was another misleading claim. 

Malta has indeed designated marine Natura 2000 sites. These are not nature reserves – human activities such as fishing and tourism are allowed, as long as protected species remain in good condition. But Malta has a vast marine territory, of which it protects only under 10%. 

Even some protected areas are criss-crossed by heavy vessel traffic, alongside pressures from fishing, pollution and water sports.

Manoel Island: was the promise fulfilled?

Malta’s government has re-acquired Manoel Island from MIDI in a €47.3 million deal, ahead of a €50 million bond repayment deadline in July 2026.

It was seen as a major win for activists, after a long-standing complaint seeking to rescind Manoel Island from the MIDI concession due to numerous breaches. 

MIDI had claimed to have lost 10 years due to archaeological excavations on the two sites included in the concession, including when cemeteries were found. However, Amphora Media’s fact-check showed that the delays were not entirely outside MIDI’s control.

The deal has come at a hefty price, paid for with taxpayers’ money.

Project Green has since launched a call for the public to submit ideas for Manoel Island, alongside two other sites. The page for this consultation is now a dead link, and no summary of responses has been published.

Meanwhile, the Planning Authority’s case officer recommended granting permission to Sharlon Pace on behalf of Gzira United Football Club to sanction illegal padel courts on the island.

What to watch for:

Among Amphora Media’s 16 published fact-checks, five concerned environmental topics. Many propaganda claims continue to circulate, incorrectly claiming that Malta is a “leader” in climate change policy while politicians promise more fossil fuel extraction and processing.

But while many voters may not be thinking about the grand scheme of climate change, there are issues closer to home: polluted air, waste, declining biodiversity and urban heat.

Are political parties going to admit that the current system is not failing to protect nature? Will anyone dare to name the actors accountable for it – developers, environmental crime perpetrators and polluters?

By law, Malta’s Electoral Commission is an autonomous body. In practice, its members include the sister of a sitting Minister, party activists, and former party presidents – appointed through a process jointly controlled by the two parties it is meant to supervise.

Smaller parties and election observers have criticised the system as exclusionary and lacking true independence.

“The Electoral Commission privileges the two [main] parties,” ADPD Chairperson Sandra Gauci told Amphora Media.

“Unfortunately, the bigger developers dominate the parties. (…) So if you just have an organism like an Electoral Commission, which is just made up of the two parties, there is obviously a big deficiency, right?”Momentum party’s chairperson, Arnold Cassola, explained.

In response to Amphora Media’s questions, the Electoral Commission replied that it is “established in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Malta” and “operates in accordance with the Laws of Malta as enacted by Parliament”. In other words, the situation is calcified by legislation.

The Electoral Commission counts votes, publishes election results and campaign expenses, reviews electoral division boundaries, and can initiate suspending an election if it alleges illegal or corrupt practices. The documents in its possession are not subject to the Freedom of Information Act.

Amphora Media, in collaboration with Transparency International, analysed the Electoral Commission’s performance over time and its key controversies, speaking to representatives of Malta’s smaller parties to map out the gaps in the country’s democratic process.

“The Partit Nazzjonalista is always open for discussion to enhance our electoral system. This discussion should not be limited to political parties but to wider society in general,” PN’s representative wrote in response.

PN-PL Loyalists Dominate The Electoral Commission

Members of the Electoral Commission are appointed for three years by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister, who consults with the Leader of the Opposition.

Under Malta’s decades-long political duopoly, this effectively means that only the dominant parties can significantly influence the institution’s make-up.

The appointments include Veronique Dalli, the sister ofEnergy Minister Miriam Dalli, and a former legal co-contractor of MP Edward Zammit Lewis. Both Miriam Dalli (Districts 5 and 11) and Zammit Lewis (Districts 8 and 9) contested the 2022 general election.

The current members of the Electoral Commission are:

The Electoral Commission itself does not publish its members’ partisan affiliations.

“The criteria generally used [for the nomination] are to ensure there are individuals with experience in the electoral process and knowledge of electoral law,” PN’s representative commented on the party’s nomination process.

Gauci of ADPD recounts how her party tried to take the Electoral Commission to the Constitutional Court in 2022 over bias towards large parties.

“We’ve lost, we’ve appealed, and we’ve lost again. And to be honest, the reasons given were very – how can I say it – flaky, little to do with what we proposed and what we put forward in front of the magistrate. It’s a system which favours the duopoly, all of it,” she told Amphora Media. The Constitutional Court dismissed the appeal, affirming that constitutional articles are equal and cannot conflict with each other.

International observers noted that Electoral Commission members and delegates are limited to parliamentary parties. 

“The limiting of EC members and delegates to representatives of the parliamentary parties further engrains two-party dominance and excludes smaller parties from the electoral institutions,” OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) said in a report on the 2022 general election.

Drawing and redrawing boundaries: Over 24,000 relocations in districts in 2025

Electoral boundaries are redefined to reflect shifts in population. In 2025, around 24000 voters were relocated, following a proposal by the Electoral Commission that was passed by Parliament (with 41 government MPs in support and 31 opposition MPs opposing the change).

*Gozo and Comino must be treated as a single district and may not be divided irrespective of population size.

The now-approved proposal drew criticism from PN MPs, who claimed that revisions are splitting traditional party strongholds, which could weaken the opposition.

The Opposition did table a counter proposal, written and signed by five electoral commissioners: Melanie Azzopardi, Ian Micallef, Marion Portelli, Victor Scerri, and Angelito Sciberras. 

In it, they criticised many of the proposed changes – and warned against changes to the electoral boundaries that were “superficial and arbitrary”.

“The revision needs to be serious, transparent, and respectful of the importance of the locality cohesion,” the document reads.

“For the Labour Government, the revision of electoral districts is nothing more than a mathematical exercise to reach the required numbers to form a district. […] The spirit of the proposals always put forward by the Partit Nazzjonalista was that there should be as little splitting as possible,” PN’s representative told Amphora Media.

“The Electoral Commission is five against four, so the party in government will decide the boundaries as it suits itself; they make these enormous somersaults just to suit the governing party,” Cassola explained.

Gauci of ADPD said that the district setup is limiting for small parties. It also encourages privileging one’s own district in various domains of power:

“Hiring, direct orders, even skipping the queue when it comes to going to Mater Dei – they manage to privilege these people through being a little bit too cosy with certain ministers. (…) That is something which helps certain people have more privileges than others.”

“We’re living in a society in which the common good isn’t so important. So in a way, you have to bend to appease these people,” she told Amphora Media.

Voter registration and vote counting

Vote counting should be the most straightforward process. For the 2022 general election, the Electoral Commission’s total budget was €6,634,850 – of that, €116,253 was spent on the electronic counting project. 

However, voting eligibility and counting methodologies have not been without controversy either.

Recent controversy concerns voter registrations linked to social housing in  Siggiewi during Roderick Galdes’ tenure as housing minister. In 2024, a series of cases, initiated by the PN and represented by Michael Piccinino, resulted in rulings that several voters had been incorrectly registered at addresses where they did not ordinarily reside.

During this time, Galdes promised upgrades to social housing estates for 500 families. Siggiewi is in the district where Galdes was elected.

The court ordered that corrections be made to register the voters at their ordinary residence. However, the police are yet to take any criminal action.

“The Nationalist Party has won all the appeals, 99 in total, regarding the electoral fraud organised by the Ministry of Roderick Galdes,” PN politician Michael Piccinino, who initiated these cases, wrote on Facebook in reaction.

“Overall, it’s also exposed the Labour Party’s manoeuvring when it comes to trying to take advantage in order to gain electoral gain, even when it’s against the law,” Piccinino commented to Amphora Media. The Labour Party had requested intervention in these cases,  which under Maltese law means a third party, originally not included in the case, can become an extra defendant.

In 2019, the PN alleged that the electronic vote-counting system raised concerns about its reliability, while the Electoral Commission defended its accuracy and integrity. 

“The concerns were raised during the discussions on the introduction of the system. (…) The PN approved the new system only after the necessary changes were made to ensure a fair system,” the PN’s representative explained.

Later, in 2022, PN took the Electoral Commission to court over instances of some prisoners , including those with 10-year or longer sentences, being allowed to vote. The Court rejected the request for lack of jurisdiction, ruling that the law requires such challenges to be made through the Revising Officer before an election to correct the register.

 “We are happy to note that following this court case, the Electoral Commission has taken steps to ensure that cases like this would not be needed in the future,” PN’s representative said.

Vote counting on election days is less than smooth for small parties.

Gauci said that her party had to “fight tooth and nail” to get access to real-time voting counts through the Electoral Commission’s laptops. 

Cassola, too, pointed out that PL and PN members receive voting updates every five minutes, while smaller parties are excluded from the process. When he was running for the European Parliament Elections, he had to learn the interim results from journalists.

This is acknowledged in the ODIHR report on the 2022 elections in Malta. 

“The limited access to the activities of the EC for the public and some contestants, as well as the lack of regulations allowing for citizen and international observation, diminished the transparency of the process,” ODIHR concluded, adding that it had previously issued recommendations on election observation, but they were not adopted.

ODIHR has criticised the lack of transparency in the way this structure makes decisions – minutes and records of decision-making processes, if any, are not published, which is “not in line with international standards”.

Scrutiny of electoral financing

Political parties must submit annual audited accounts to the Electoral Commission and comply with donation and financial disclosure rules.

ODIHR’s recommendations, which included “providing the Electoral Commission with adequate powers and resources to carry out a proactive and efficient supervision, investigation and enforcement of political finance regulations”, have not been implemented.

Momentum party’s founder, Arnold Cassola, says that “PN-PL nominees are supposed to supervise the finances of all parties, but now, for the past seven years, it is a completely abandoned ship.”

He refers to a court case brought by the PN, which argued that the Electoral Commission’s powers to investigate, adjudicate, and fine for breaches violated fair trial rights. The Constitutional Court ruled that the administrative fines were punitive and “criminal” in nature, thus requiring a “court” rather than the Electoral Commission to judge them.

“[The Electoral Commission] is not a fair judge, according to the Constitutional Court. (…) So there’s no control over financing, which is a big joke, because the parties play this game where they have these [donation] marathons, and then in one day they get half a million, and you don’t have to say who gave you the money,” Cassola explained.

In contrast, Cassola recalled how his party treasurer received a call because the Electoral Commission could not find a receipt for a 25-euro donation. 

“I think that was ridiculous, when you have these millions that the PN and especially the Labour Party today are getting from hidden sources, from business people, from developers in particular”.

Gauci of ADPD also feels that the Electoral Commission scrutinises her party more than the larger parties.

“We’re very careful with our accounts. (…) We self-finance our campaign. (…) We don’t accept money from developers because we believe that they are destroying our country,” she said.

“There should be an independent body that supervises elections and that decides who is a party, who is not, and who oversees the finances of the parties, not the Electoral Commission, since it is just made up of two parties,” Cassola argues.

In 2022, Cassola wrote to the Electoral Commission, raising concerns about unequal treatment of smaller parties and independents, calling for equal access to the counting hall, access to information during the count, and improved communication arrangements, including access to facilities such as Wi-Fi. 

He notes that the Electoral Commission addressed the Wi-Fi complaint.

• Ian Abdilla and Brian Paul Camilleri testified in the case involving Raymond Aquilina, Yorgen Fenech, and notary Mario Bugeja on the 24th of April.
• Abdilla recounted how he was instructed not to hand an FIAU report concerning Melvin Theuma to Raymond Aquilina, who was in charge of the investigation.
• An appointment set up for Abdilla and Aquilina to meet Fenech was aborted abruptly.
• The investigation was being delayed by difficulties in obtaining information from abroad.

A court has heard today how the then Police Commissioner Lawrence Cutajar specifically ordered that a sensitive financial report be kept hidden from a lead investigator in 2018. 

Testifying in the proceedings against former Superintendent Raymond Aquilina, Yorgen Fenech, and notary Mario Bugeja, the former lead of the police’s Economic Crimes Unit, Ian Abdilla, recounted how Cutajar directly ordered him to bypass Aquilina.

Fenech stands accused of money laundering and complicity in the corruption of a public officer, while Aquilina is facing charges of corruption, leaking official secrets, money laundering and perjury. Both men, together with notary Mario Bugeja who is also charged with money laundering, have pleaded not guilty to the charges.

“Deep discomfort”

Abdilla told Magistrate Lara Lanfranco on Friday that he was instructed to personally retrieve a Financial Intelligence Analysis Unit (FIAU) report concerning Melvin Theuma. According to Abdilla, Cutajar was explicit: the report was for his eyes only, and he was “not to hand it to Raymond Aquilina”.

Abdilla said that Cutajar’s order caused him deep “discomfort” as Aquilina was officially responsible for the anti-money laundering section of the Economic Crimes Unit. Abdilla testified that he repeatedly challenged the commissioner on the matter at the time, insisting that if there was a lack of trust in Aquilina, he should be removed from his post entirely. 

It emerged in court today that Aquilina had maintained a personal relationship with Fenech that was never officially declared. Abdilla testified that he later found out about the relationship through the media. 

The tension reached a breaking point just days before the high profile raid on Melvin Theuma, when Aquilina allegedly revealed intimate knowledge of the suspect’s medical history, claiming that Theuma was undergoing cancer treatment. The detail left Abdilla questioning how a sidelined investigator possessed such specific intelligence.

A cancelled meeting

The internal friction within the Economic Crimes Unit coincided with critical moments in the 17 Black Investigation, which officially began when the police opened the file in March 2018. Abdilla testified that after a newspaper report identified Yorgen Fenech as the owner of the mysterious UAE-registered company, he insisted on questioning the businessman immediately. 

At that point, disclosure laws had recently been introduced, requiring the police to challenge suspects under interrogation on the basis of evidence. Despite only having an FIAU report in hand – official bank documents had not yet been received from abroad – Abdilla argued that the public allegations were enough to warrant an interrogation. 

According to the testimony, an appointment was set up for Abdilla and Aquilina to meet Fenech at his own office, as instructed by then Deputy Police Commissioner Silvio Valletta. Abdilla believes that this meeting was arranged by Raymond Aquilina. 

However, the interrogation never took place. 

As the police team was driving toward the meeting, specifically as they approached the traffic lights near Paceville, they received a phone call informing them that Fenech “couldn’t speak to us because he was sick”. The meeting was aborted and Fenech was not arrested until much later, the witness said. 

While the financial probe into 17 Black stalled as Europol and Interpol requested rogatory letters, leading to the opening of a magisterial inquiry in September 2018, the Economic Crimes Unit was simultaneously navigating multiple investigations. Abdilla revealed that investigators were under “intense” pressure to move against Melvin Theuma, who was under investigation for financial crimes. 

Despite this pressure, Abdilla said that he and investigator Nicholas Vella, Aquilina’s subordinate, reportedly resisted a premature arrest. They argued that the FIAU report into Theuma’s activities, which they held at the time, was insufficient on its own to sustain his arrest. They insisted on waiting a few more weeks to gather more concrete evidence.

International scope

The scope of the investigation extended beyond Theuma and Fenech. The 17 Black investigation, which Aquilina was officially leading, included a list of high-profile “persons of interest,” including former Minister Konrad Mizzi, Keith Schembri, Karl Cini, and Brian Tonna. 

To track the flow of money, the police had to engage in a lengthy international process, requesting rogatory letters, signed off by the presiding magistrate Charmaine Galea, to be sent to authorities in the UAE, Latvia, and Panama to track Fenech’s accounts. Abdilla confirmed that while some of these requests were successful, the investigation was often hindered by the requirement for formal translations and the refusal of foreign countries to share intelligence without official judicial requests. 

A question raised during the testimony concerned the official letters sent to the UAE to track one of Fenech’s accounts linked to 17 Black. Abdilla confirmed that there had been a “mistake” in some of these letters, for which Aquilina was responsible. When questioned by the prosecution, Abdilla admitted he was unsure if the error was a “genuine mistake or intentional”.

The court heard that Raymond Aquilina eventually handed over the 17 Black investigation files in April 2020 to inspectors Brian Paul Camilleri and Keith Vella.

Inspector Brian Paul Camilleri, a financial crimes investigator with the police and the lead investigator on this case, also took the witness stand on Friday. He confirmed the chronology of the investigation and the succession of investigators involved in the case.