Tag: migration

  • FATTI: Is Malta’s Native Population At Risk Of Collapse – And Can Tax Cuts Stop It?

    FATTI: Is Malta’s Native Population At Risk Of Collapse – And Can Tax Cuts Stop It?

    • Budget 2026 allocates €160 million in tax cuts and grants to reverse Malta’s declining birth rate, as the government’s response to concerns over the native population’s future and demographic decline.
    • Projections by the Central Bank show the Maltese and Gozitan population could fall from 405,000 in 2024 to around 275,000 by 2075, even under favourable scenarios.
    • According to the Central Bank report, Malta’s native population reached 405,075 people, increasing by almost 6% since 2000, and 2.3% from 2010.
    • Fertility rates fall: Malta’s total fertility rate stands at 1.06 births per woman (2023), the lowest in the EU. However, among Maltese women, it is higher at 1.16, towards the top end of EU levels.
    • The term “native” refers to a Maltese National, which remains undefined in Maltese law and policy. A citizen is anyone with a Maltese parent and/or acquiring it through nationalisation or formerly investment, though Central Bank data excludes them.
    • A study found that the majority of Maltese genes could be attributed to West Eurasian roots.
    • However, studies also show that Maltese relate identity more with social characteristics rather than birthplace.
    • Malta’s population has grown by 135,000 since 2014, this has been driven by migration, with 1 in 6residents now foreign-born. There is no birthright citizenship in Malta if both parents are foreign.
    • International evidence shows mixed results:
      • Hungary’s fertility rose modestly after family tax cuts.
      • France’s success stems largely from strong childcare and parental support systems.
      • South Korea’s tax incentives have failed to reverse record-low fertility due to rigid work and gender norms.
    • Verdict: Fertility decline is real, yet tax cuts alone are unlikely to reverse it without broader social and structural reforms.

    Budget 2026 is here. Malta’s Prime Minister Robert Abela described it as “the best in history”. At its core lies a fiscal plan to reverse Malta’s declining birth rate. Tax cuts and grants for parents, worth €160 million per year, headlined Finance Minister Clyde Caruana’s budget speech.

    In 2025, Caruana and others, including Archbishop Charles Scicluna, warned about the decline in fertility and its implications for Malta’s native population.

    The debate unfolds against the backdrop of rapid population growth, fuelled mainly by migration. But what does it truly mean to be “native”? What do the figures reveal about Malta’s wider demographic challenges? And will the new proposals address the issue?

    In a pre-budget meeting with social partners, Finance Minister Clyde Caruana reportedly said that Malta’s fertility rate is “the greatest challenge of our time”.

    “Where will our population be in 50 years’ time?” Caruana reportedly asked. “Will we be at a point of no return?”

    In an episode of Karl Bonaci’s podcast, he went one step further:

    “If we do nothing and everything stays as it is […] Maltese and Gozitans, within 50 years […] will drop from 400,000 to 240,000. […]It means that out of those 240,000, 40%,  almost 100,000 people, will be over 65 years old.”

    “When I was born in 1985, there were 6,000 Maltese boys and girls born that year […]. Today, only half that number are being born, around 3,000 Maltese in total.

    Men socialising outdoors

    “We talk about wanting to preserve our culture, we talk about wanting to preserve our language, but at the same time, we are forgetting that we ourselves may be digging our own grave, and tomorrow, maybe the day after, these people could vanish into nothing, because there won’t be enough of them left living on this land.”.

    The Archbishop, Charles Sciclina, claimed Malta risks the “extinction of our ethnicity”.

    “What our enemies did not manage to do, we are doing with our own hands,” Scicluna said.

    The ‘Native’ Population Numbers

    Malta’s population has increased by more than 135,000 since 2014, reaching 574,250 as of 2024. Today, one in six residents is a foreign national. A report published in 2023 by the Ministry of Finance projects that the total population will exceed 810,000 by 2070.

    A Central Bank policy note from May 2025 explicitly explores Malta’s native population and its projections and implications on the local labour supply.

    According to the Central Bank report, Malta’s native population reached 405,075 people, increasing by almost 6% since 2000, and 2.3% from 2010. It is projected to decline to about 347,000 in 2050 and around 275,000 persons in 2075.

    The Central Bank report’s projections show that by 2030, 73.4% of the native Maltese population will be of working age. According to the Central Bank’s models, this is projected to decrease to 70.8% by 2050 and to remain at 63.6% by 2075.

    Credit: Joanna Demarco

    It outlines three scenarios: 

    Scenario 1: Mortality and fertility rates will change in line with Eurostat’s assumptions in the EUROPOP demographic projections, and migration continues at the current pace.

    Scenario 2: Fertility remains the same, the native population remains under the same assumptions as in the baseline but keeps the fertility rate of Maltese women unchanged at the current level.

    Scenario 3: Fertility remains unchanged and migration halts.

    Overall, the Central Bank’s projections indicate that low fertility rates remain the dominant factor in the forecasted decline, regardless of the scenario, whether that involves Maltese inward migration, replicating EU trends, or maintaining current trends.

    “Without a significant change in fertility trends, the long-term demographic outlook suggests stronger population ageing and potential labour force challenges,” the policy note reads.

    Malta’s total fertility rate has declined sharply over the past 50 years. In 1977, the total fertility rate was 2.14 births per woman. In 2023, it stood at 1.06, below the EU average of 1.38.

    However, the fertility rate among Maltese women specifically stood at 1.16, which implies the actual rate is not “entirely reflective of the trend within the native population”.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    What is a “native”?

    In the Central Bank policy note, ‘native’ refers to a Maltese national, which is not explicitly defined in any legislation in Malta, not even in the Citizenship Act.

    The Central Bank policy removes all persons who may have acquired citizenship, either by naturalisation or formerly investment and now exceptional merit.

    Unrestricted birthright citizenship ended in 1989. Since then, children born in or outside the country have only been granted citizenship if at least one of their parents is a Maltese citizen. 

    Foreigners with no Maltese ancestry can become citizens through naturalisation, which takes at least seven years, or through marriage. 

    A person “who renders exceptional services or who makes an exceptional contribution, including through job creation,” or “whose naturalisation is of exceptional interest” can also become a citizen.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    A study published in the Annals of Human Genetics in 2006, which involved Prof Alex Felice,  found that most contemporary Maltese males trace their ancestry to Sicily and Southern Italy based on Y-chromosome analysis. Subsequent mitochondrial DNA studies, including results from the ongoing Maltese Genome Project, indicate that females show a similar ancestry pattern.

    In 2018, a separate study found that the majority of Maltese genes could be attributed to West Eurasian roots, with some presence of African lineages.

    However, a 2013 Malta Today survey found that just 8.3% of respondents saw citizenship, and 7.7% saw birthplace, as key to being Maltese. Most instead pointed to language (68.2%), culture (22%), food (15.7%) and religion (14.3%) as stronger markers of identity.

    Prof. Gordon Sammut has explored the social characteristics behind Maltese identity. The study, which explored two surveys from 2011 to 2021, delves into how identity is shaped through comparison and shared meaning within groups.

    Our surnames, also, represent a “huge melting pot”, as one study by Mario Cassar puts it. Cassar distinguishes between surnames of Romance origin, such as Italian, French, or Spanish, and more recent European surnames, noting that “the spate of British, Irish, German, and other European family names accumulated through relatively recent ethnic intermarriages.. 

    Marriage records from the Renaissance period show that around a third of grooms in certain localities were foreigners. There are a number of Indian surnames present in more recent centuries, like Melwani, Balani, Mohnani.

    Clyde Caruana in the Parliament. Photo credit: DOI

    What are the proposals?

    Budget 2026 outlined several proposals targeting parents. These included:

    • New income tax bands for parents. This will eventually extend to parents with two or more children paying 0% income tax up to €37,000 by 2028, and to parents with one child paying 0% income tax up to €22,500. For single parents, that figure will be at 30,000 and 18,000 respectively. 
    • Grants for parents having their first child, including by adoption. They will now be €1,000; those on their second will get €1,500; and parents will receive €2,000 for every child beyond that.
    • A refund of €12,000, up from €10,000, for parents hoping to adopt overseas. If adopted locally, the grant will double from €1,000 to €2,000. 
    • Increase of Children’s allowance to €250 per child. For families earning under €23,000, there can be an additional €167 per child, making the total increase higher.

    The government has also noted the fertility issue in the Social Plan for Families (2025-2030). In it, it calls for “enhancing” the fertility rate through “family-friendly workplace policies”, “affordable housing and financial stability”, “education and awareness programmes” and “data collection and research”.

    The populous town of St Paul’s Bay only has two free childcare centres, and so does Sliema, where demand is also high.

    As of early 2024, after-school centres in Sliema and St Paul’s Bay had waiting lists of 25 and 28 children, respectively. According to the 2024 financial estimates, the government reduced funding for after-school clubs by almost half, from €9 million to an estimated €4.8 million, between 2023 and 2024.

    What has happened elsewhere?

    The impact of tax incentives on fertility remains uncertain.

    Hungary has introduced income tax deductions and other family-focused measures. This has helped lift fertility from the low 1.23 in 2011 to around 1.55 in 2023.

    A study by the HETFA research institute suggests these incentives account for part of the increase, but other social and economic factors also played a role, including employment, nursery school availability, and flexible work possibilities.

    In France, where fertility has stayed among the highest in Europe, it has a wide range of social and population policies which experts point to as the “most obvious explanation”, namely an extensive childcare system, including public crèches and écoles maternelles, that offer affordable, high-quality care from age two or three:

    In South Korea, which has the worst fertility rate in the world, tax cuts have made little difference. Korea has made significant strides in family policies; however, according to the OECD, “they still fail to fully meet the diverse needs of working parents”.

    “Moreover, rigid gender norms and entrenched labour market practices further exacerbate these challenges, especially for women, who are often forced to choose between pursuing a career and raising a family,” it reads.

    Claims that Malta’s native population is on the verge of collapse are alarmist and are based on projection models that assume little change to fertility & exclude all children born to a foreign mother. However, demographic concerns are very much a reality. 

    Data does show a decrease in native populations over the last two decades. However, it also ignores several factors, including whether foreign nationals residing in Malta will, in the future, marry Maltese nationals and contribute to Malta’s biological mix.

    There is also very little definition by the government or the constitution as to what precisely a native person is. Experts have pointed to biological determinants that link us to the broader Mediterranean mix, rather than to something expressly ‘Maltese’.

    Government proposals to address the issue in the budget are a notable first step. While studies suggest that tax cuts and similar grants could slightly improve fertility, more needs to be done to address other conditions, such as the quality and accessibility of childcare, as well as other social policies.

    The claim that Malta’s population is at risk of decline and that tax cuts can save it is only partially true.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • Landscape of Change:The Numbers Behind Population And Migration In Malta’s Towns

    Landscape of Change:The Numbers Behind Population And Migration In Malta’s Towns

    By Sabrina Zammit, Julian Bonnici, and Daiva Repečkaitė
    Photo cover: Joanna Demarco

    Over the past decade, Malta has undergone rapid demographic and economic shifts, primarily driven by migration and labour market demand.

    A cross-border investigation by Amphora Media, in partnership with Spain’s Público, examines fifteen localities across Malta and Gozo – grouped into six clusters – to trace how population growth is reshaping communities. 

    The findings show that tensions often stem less from migration itself or the tax revenue migrants generate, and more from inadequate government investment in public services, which affects both citizens and foreigners.

    The clusters are based on geographical proximity. An EU-funded case study of Malta found that migrants prioritise proximity to their workplace when choosing where to live, followed by strong transport links.

    Malta is divided into six districts, which now have regional administrations. Migrant populations are spread unevenly among them. According to the 2021 census, migrants from the EU, non-EU European countries (including the UK) and others were distributed unevenly.

    In proportion:

    • Northern Harbour, which includes Gzira, Qormi, Hamrun, Sliema and St Julian’s, had the highest share of EU citizens.
    • In Gozo, two in five immigrants come from European non-EU countries, such as the UK and Serbia.
    • In the Southern Harbour district, which includes Marsa, Fgura and the Three Cities, nearly two-thirds of the foreign population are non-European or stateless.

    What follows is a statistical breakdown of each locality

    Cluster 1: St Paul’s Bay

    St Paul’s Bay

    St Paul’s Bay has been shaped by rapid population growth and migration. By 2022, it was home to more than 35,000 people, nearly 60% of them foreign nationals—up sharply from less than one in five a decade earlier.

    This shift has also brought greater religious diversity, with Orthodox Christianity, Islam and Hinduism now established alongside the dominant Roman Catholic faith.

    Many dwellings remain vacant or used seasonally, limiting supply of primary residences. 37.3% (8,848) were either vacant or used seasonally according to data from 2021.

    Despite the pressures, St Paul’s Bay remains relatively well served, with 19 bus routes.

    Cluster 2: Marsa, Ħamrun, Qormi and Pietà

    Marsa

    Ħamrun

    Qormi

    The second cluster comprises Marsa, Ħamrun, Qormi, and Pietà, which together had a population of 41,689 in 2022. Foreign residents numbered 10,630, representing around 25.5% of the population, a significant increase from just 2.3% in 2011.

    Marsa is notable for having hosted Malta’s first large reception centre for asylum seekers, in operation from 2002 until April 2024, when its last residents were transferred to Ħal Far. Data suggests that many former residents settled in nearby areas where housing was more affordable.

    Security concerns persist in this cluster. Police reports in both 2017 and 2024 classified Marsa and Ħamrun as high-risk localities. In 2021, theft and property damage were the most frequently reported crimes in Marsa, followed by drug-related offences.

    Cluster 3: Sliema and St Julian’s

    Sliema

    St Julian’s

    In 2011, foreigners accounted for 15% of the combined population of Sliema and St. Julian’s. By 2022, the figure had surged to 52%, underscoring the towns’ pivotal role at the heart of Malta’s international community.

    The area’s employment base is closely tied to the iGaming sector, classified under information and communication, where the average basic salary reached €2,159 in 2022.

    Tourism brochures advertise Sliema and St. Julian’s as coastal resorts offering a wide range of accommodation options, conveniently close to the action. In particular, Paceville is Malta’s premier entertainment hub, with a diverse range of nightclubs and restaurants.

    Cluster 4: Msida and Gżira

    Msida

    Gżira

    By 2022, Msida and Gżira had a combined population of 26,398, with foreign nationals making up 58.4%. In 2011, the share was 10%, a transformation that illustrates one of the steepest demographic shifts in Malta.

    Msida is home to the University of Malta and Mater Dei Hospital, two of the country’s most prominent institutions.

    The locality has long been a traffic bottleneck with congestion around the Marina and Msida Creek impacting air quality, noise levels, and overall accessibility. Works for a new flyover under the Msida Creek Project aim to ease this burden, but the locality remains defined by its role as a transit hub.

    Gżira on the other hand has become increasingly commercial, with “restaurants opening all the time” and Mayor Neville Chetcuti warning that more policing is needed to cope with rising pressures.

    Foreign residents now make up about 60% of the community, a shift that the Mayor described as “obviously, we have the problems that come with that”.

    Housing demand from hotels, Airbnb, and new apartment blocks has also driven up rents to the point where several people now share apartments to afford them.

    Cluster 5: Żebbuġ, Victoria and Munxar (Gozo)

    Żebbuġ (Includes Marsalforn)

    Victoria (Rabat)

    Munxar (Includes Xlendi)

    Cluster 5 comprises the three Gozitan localities with the highest share of foreign residents: Żebbuġ, Victoria, and Munxar. 

    In 2022, their combined population was 12,647, with foreigners accounting for around 30%. Back in 2011, the figure was just 3%, a dramatic shift over little more than a decade.

    Victoria, the island’s capital, serves as Gozo’s commercial and administrative hub. It concentrates the largest share of businesses and services, drawing both locals and newcomers.

    Żebbuġ and Munxar, which include the popular seaside villages of Marsalforn and Xlendi, have become well-known rental hotspots among foreigners.

    Rental affordability plays a role. The median monthly rent for a two-bedroom apartment in these localities hovers just above €600, significantly lower than in comparable areas on Malta’s mainland. 

    The Żebbuġ mayor, Baskal Saliba, noted that the difference lies in availability as much as price: “In Marsalforn, rent is a bit cheaper and you have many more availabilities… you find many more rental opportunities there compared to Żebbuġ or other villages.”

    Cluster 6: Marsaskala and Birżebbuġa

    Marsaskala

    Birżebbuġa

    The final cluster covers Marsaskala and Birżebbuġa. In 2022, their combined population stood at 29,401, with foreign nationals making up 29.5%. Back in 2011, foreigners accounted for just 12% underscoring how rapidly these southern localities have changed.

    Housing tells a different story in each town: Birżebbuġa remains one of the more affordable seaside options, with two-bedroom rents just over €600, while in Marsaskala prices climb above €800.

    Marsaskala’s Mayor Mario Calleja said local schools now reflect “around 40 different languages,” and the council has leaned into integration, installing a monument to diversity and running community activities. He said, “The most important thing is that we don’t discriminate.”

    When it comes to safety, the two towns differ as well. Marsaskala is considered a relatively low-risk area and has recently opened a new police station, whereas Birżebbuġa was flagged as high risk in 2024.

    This investigation was developed with the support of Journalismfund Europe.

  • Malta’s Tax Revenues Rise, But Poor Investment Leaves Citizens And Migrants Struggling Alike

    Malta’s Tax Revenues Rise, But Poor Investment Leaves Citizens And Migrants Struggling Alike

    By Daiva Repečkaitė, Julian Bonnici and Sabrina Zammit
    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    • Tax revenues in Malta more than doubled between 2013 and 2023, rising from €2.5 billion to €5.6 billion, largely due to population and migration growth.
    • Personal income tax and social security contributions both nearly doubled over the decade, yet local council funding remains below 0.8% of total tax revenues.
    • Despite the population growth, investment in public services has lagged, particularly in healthcare, childcare, and local infrastructure.
    • Foreign patients account for over one in eight hospital users, yet legal and administrative barriers persist.
    • Childcare services are unevenly distributed, with areas such as St. Paul’s Bay, Sliema, and Marsa underserved, despite having large migrant populations.
    • Government funding for after-school programs was reduced by half in 2024.
    • NGOs fill widening service gaps by offering healthcare, legal, and integration support, but they face unstable funding and limited government backing.

    Taking benefits, using free public services, exploiting tax breaks – a 2023 study shows these are the accusations most often levelled at migrants on social media in Malta.

    A cross-border investigation by Amphora Media and our partner Público in Spain reveals that weak government investment in public services – for both citizens and foreigners – fuels tensions over quality and accessibility, rather than migration itself or the tax revenue migrants contribute.

    Amphora Media examined key services in localities, many of which border each other, that have experienced significant increases in their foreign population. 

    Check out all the numbers behind migration and population in Malta over here.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Malta’s Tax Revenues Soar Amid Population Boom

    Malta is one of the EU’s fastest-growing economies, with the second-highest employment rate and the lowest unemployment rate in the EU. Still, a 2021 survey showed that nearly half of Maltese respondents viewed migrants as a greater burden than a benefit, and a quarter attributed low wages to migrants.

    Malta’s tax revenues have increased significantly over the past decade, coinciding with population growth and migration. Between 2013 and 2023, revenues more than doubled from around €2.5 billion to €5.6 billion.

    Between 2013 and 2023, revenue from personal income tax — paid by both Maltese and foreign residents — increased by nearly €1 billion, a rise of approximately 190%.

    In 2023 alone, households contributed €1.5 billion, or almost two-thirds of all income tax collected.

    Employee social security contributions, which cover pensions and other benefits, also more than doubled, climbing from €200 million in 2013 to more than €447 million in 2023.

    Average monthly salaries rose from about €1,335 in 2013 to €2,125 in 2025.

    Yet, investment in local councils, which are often on the front lines of population transformation and the tensions that come with it, remains limited.

    The 2024 budget for local councils was slightly above €48 million across 68 localities. That’s around 0.8% of the total tax revenues generated.

    Healthcare: who pays?

    A survey found that most Maltese people see a high concentration of immigrants as an obstacle to integration. Yet only a third, the lowest share in the EU, viewed limited access to healthcare, education, and social services in the same way.

    Approximately €73 million is allocated for primary health care and community services. At the same time, hospitals such as Mater Dei, Mount Carmel, Gozo General, Karin Grech, and St. Vincent de Paul collectively receive €265 million. 

    Combined, this represents roughly a quarter of the Health Ministry’s budget and 6% of total tax revenues. 

    Data shows that the number of Maltese citizens visiting Mater Dei has grown, and visits to health centres have fluctuated since 2020.

    Malta has one of the highest out-of-pocket spending rates in the EU. In 2024, Researchers say that despite this, the share of unmet needs is low. 

    This includes the migrant population. An EU dashboard shows that Maltese citizens are more likely to consider their health bad or report a long-standing illness. 

    The latest Migrant Integration Policy Index states that “healthcare entitlements remain discretionary, and documentation and administrative barriers continue to pose challenges”, making the system “halfway favourable” to migrants. 

    According to a 2024 report by the European Observatory for Health Systems and Policies, Malta has fewer acute care beds and less specialised equipment than several other Mediterranean countries and fewer than in 2022. At the beginning of 2023, the pain clinic had a waiting list of over 200 people.

    Foreign residents constituted more than one in eight patients at the main hospital in 2023 and one in six users of the health centre.

    Their number has more than doubled since 2020, but is still below the share of the foreign population in Malta, which was 29% in 2024.  A report warns that mental healthcare for migrant and refugee populations is “a major concern”.

    Legal changes introduced in 2024 require many non-EU nationals applying for employment, family reunification, or studying outside recognised public institutions to obtain private health insurance with at least €100,000 coverage. However, students at Malta’s public universities and institutes are exempt from this requirement.

    Between 2022 and 2023, hospital revenues from paid fees increased by more than 100%. In 2024, the hospital received €1,323,284.36 from third-country nationals.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    “What we find with healthcare, and particularly in the last couple of years, is that things have really kind of stepped up in terms of payments, cracking down on making sure that people are charged and people’s documents are checked very thoroughly,” says Beth Cachia, research and advocacy coordinator at Jesuit Refugee Service, which helps refugees and asylum seekers navigate bureaucracy.

    In 2024, the NGO helped 53 individuals with healthcare needs. Cachia warns of “ instances of people, even with a refugee status, turned away” despite healthcare falling under the protection of asylum seekers.

    Umayma Elamin Amer Elamin, the founder and president of Migrant Women Association Malta, detailed how migrant women face similar challenges:

    “Sometimes they get all the medicine, sometimes she will need to buy it herself. Sometimes, if they have an operation or an illness, they may need to wait. When it comes to communication, I feel translation is also a big issue,” she said, making particular reference to STD screening.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Gaps in Primary Care

    Although the government claims that primary health centres are strategically located, St Paul’s Bay, with a total population of 35,000 (almost 60% foreign), does not have one.

    Neither do Sliema and St Julian’s, which, with a combined population of more than 34,000, must use Gżira’s. Marsa (part of the Southern Harbour, where most migrants are non-European) also lacks a healthcare centre. 

    2024 data shows that Mosta Healthcare Centre, which has a large catchment area, handled the largest number of emergency visits.

    Paola, which had the second-highest number of emergency visits and covers several southern localities, including Marsaskala and Birżebbuġa, topped the list by the total number of patients. 

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Caring for the youngest

    Free childcare is provided to working or studying parents not on parental leave. Foreigners working in Malta are eligible too.

    The distribution of these vital facilities did not mirror the population:

    • In Gozo, only Victoria had childcare centres available from the localities included in this analysis.
    • In the South, Birzebbuga had two childcare centres and Marsaskala had four.
    • The much less populous Pieta’ and Gżira had five and six, respectively.
    • The populous St Paul’s Bay only had two.
    • In Sliema, where the majority of pupils at schools are foreign, there are only two childcare centres for younger children.
    • St Julian’s is a smaller locality than Sliema, but there are three childcare centres.

    Parents in full-time employment can place their children in after-school centres. The government considers that the introduction of free childcare, including for school-aged children, is behind Malta’s success in raising female employment rates.

    As of early 2024, the 3–16 centres in Sliema and St Paul’s Bay had waiting lists of 25 and 28 children, respectively.

    According to the 2024 financial estimates, the government reduced funding for after-school clubs by almost half, from €9 million to an estimated €4.8 million, between 2023 and 2024.

    For migrant mothers without established family networks, access to childcare can significantly impact their employment prospects.

    “I can confirm this is the big challenge for a woman, to have access to the labour market and to get enough funds to live easily in Malta. I can see the majority of our beneficiaries have this problem,” says Elamin. “Sometimes they can’t work, for example, because of their situation or maybe because they are married and they have children, or they don’t have access to services that can help them to work with their children.”

    The Expats Malta Facebook community also guides its members who seek better schooling for their children.

    “If you’re a typical family, it’s fine, no problem. You move to a village, you’re in the catchment area for a school, and that’s where your child goes. But if you come as a single parent, they’ll ask: do you have a letter of authorisation from the other parent? Even if you have full custody. It’s all these small things where the right information is just missing,” one of its administrators, Tom Erik Skjønsberg, says.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    NGOs stepping up without public investment 

    NGOs, such as the Migrant Women Association Malta, and communities attempt to fill the gaps left by state authorities. The association has begun incorporating social services into its training and entrepreneurship portfolio. 

     “We have become like one of the organisations that have a social service directly to the asylum seeker, refugee, and migrant woman. But specifically those affected by poverty and sexual gender based violence,” says its founder, Umayma Elamin Amer Elamin.

    Since last year, JRS Malta, where Beth Cachia works, is partnering with aditus Foundation and Migrant Women Association Malta to jointly provide legal, psychological and social work services, cultural mediation, and basic integration support services to vulnerable individuals.

    However, without sustained funding, it can be difficult to maintain.

    “We had something before. We used to study Maltese, English and some arts as well. Computers too. But because of COVID-19, we closed and we didn’t open it again,” Mohamed Ibrahim from the Sudanese community told Amphora Media.

    “Unfortunately, we didn’t [find government support]. We used to collect money to pay the rent and we had to close it. We didn’t even try find a place for us because the support there once was lost.”

    This investigation was developed with the support of Journalismfund Europe.

  • Local councils: Underfunded, Burdened By Waste, Committed To Guiding People Amid Population Growth

    Local councils: Underfunded, Burdened By Waste, Committed To Guiding People Amid Population Growth

    By Daiva Repečkaitė, Julian Bonnici and Sabrina Zammit
    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    • Malta’s population grew by over 100,000 in a decade, with migrants now representing one in five residents – and a majority in several urban localities.
    • Over the same period, tourism has increased to roughly 62,000 extra people every day.
    • Tax revenues have almost doubled, but local councils remain severely underfunded, receiving less than 1% of total tax revenue despite managing key services like waste, roads, and public spaces.
    • Waste management has become a flashpoint issue, politicised amid rising construction and tourism; complaints and enforcement gaps persist despite regionalisation reforms.
    • Economic geography is uneven: Sliema and St Julian’s dominate finance and tech, while southern towns depend on lower-wage retail and hospitality sectors.
    • Integration efforts are fragmented – some councils build partnerships with schools, churches, and NGOs, but most lack dedicated funding or staff for community programmes.
    • Experts and community leaders warn that true integration depends on local infrastructure, not national rhetoric, calling for investment in schools, councils, and shared spaces.

    Malta’s population has increased by over 100,000 in the past decade, with migrants now accounting for one in five residents.  In the country’s patchwork of towns and villages, it is residents and their local councils that sit on the frontline of this transformation.

    Malta’s small size and a large number of local councils create an opportunity for local governments to be close to the people.

    Local councils are responsible for upkeep and maintenance of roads, open spaces, playgrounds, and kindergartens; waste collection; and, under national schemes and in cooperation with national authorities, for health and educational facilities. They also have statutory duties to provide certain information to residents on their rights, services, and local decisions.

    As localities become increasingly diverse and foreign populations within them grow, some take initiative, while others merely watch as tensions rise.

    Take a look at the breakdown of Malta’s population and the impact of migration on certain towns here. Amphora Media zoomed in on local community interactions in localities, many of which border one another, that have seen significant increases in their foreign populations over the past decade.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    When local communities dwindle

    In several Maltese communities, foreigners now outnumber citizens. In St Paul’s Bay and Gżira, three out of every five residents are foreign, while in St Julian’s, Sliema and Pietà they make up just over half.

    Msida mayor Charles Selvaggi told Amphora Media that the official figure is a conservative estimate, as he believes there are many unregistered residents. 

    These shifts are reshaping the character of the localities. In communities like Sliema and St Julian’s, which have attracted foreign residents, including many of those working in the lucrative iGaming and financial services industries, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment in the locality is over €1,200 per month, according to the Housing Authority data.

    “The community is disappearing bit by bit. The young people from St Julian’s are leaving to find cheaper housing elsewhere,” St Julian’s mayor Guido Dalli told Amphora Media.

    Conversely, Damien Schembri, the mayor of Munxar, which also includes Xlendi, believes that affordability and rising housing costs in Malta could be behind recent increases in Gozo’s foreign population.

    “As a country, we’ve attracted many third-country nationals, and they need somewhere to live. I think the most affordable rents are in Xlendi and Marsalforn,” he said.

    According to the Housing Authority, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment in Munxar is €638 – nearly half of that in St Julian’s.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Localities differ not only in the composition of nationalities. They also attract a diverse range of industries and offer various job opportunities.

    According to the Central Bank, “St Julian’s and Sliema, alongside St. Paul’s Bay, Mellieħa and Valletta, have an active role as central hubs for the retail sector”.

    In total terms, St Paul’s Bay (2,929), Sliema (2,804) and Qormi (2,519) have the largest number of businesses, whereas St Julian’s had the most active commercial scene, with nearly 173 businesses per 1,000 residents. 

    Southern localities of Marsaskala and Birżebbuġa had the lowest presence of business. St Paul’s Bay has a relatively low business density per capita, but it still hosts a large number of businesses overall.

    However, Sliema and St Julian’s stood out as outliers, hosting the island’s top-earning private industries. NSO figures show that the two highest-paying sectors are Financial and Insurance Activities (€2,777 per month) and Information and Communication (€2,430 per month).

    Together, Sliema and St Julian’s account for 702 businesses in these sectors. When it comes to Financial and Insurance Activities, the combined total, 370, matches all other localities under review.

    A similar disparity appears in “professional, scientific and technical activities”, the fourth best-paying private industry (€1,937 per month). Here, Sliema hosts 495 businesses and St Julian’s 418. The closest competitors are Msida (233) and Qormi (223).

    Conversely, the sector grouping “Wholesale and retail trade; transportation and storage; accommodation and food service activities” records the lowest average monthly salary (€1,663) but remains the most common economic activity in localities such as Marsa, Ħamrun and Qormi. It is the activity with the largest number of employees in Malta, with 69,086 employees.

    Among the areas reviewed, Qormi (632) and St Paul’s Bay (461) lead the list, followed by Sliema (443) — highlighting the area’s broad mix of economic activity.

    “There are so many people here—Gżira has become very commercial. Restaurants are opening all the time. Big business. So obviously, a lot of people will come here, and when more people come, more problems will arise,” says Gżira mayor Neville Chetcuti. He wants to see more police presence in his town.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Our calculations show that overall, the more the population increases, the less local council budgets keep up.

    According to the latest available data, Malta generated almost €5.6 billion in tax revenues in 2023, an increase of almost €1.5 billion from 2020. 

    In comparison, the total budget for the 68 local councils in Malta and Gozo that same year was almost 43.9 million, less than 0.8% of the total tax revenue generated.

    For communities facing the burden of overpopulation and overtourism, such as Sliema, that figure drops to 0.02%, despite the economic activity in the area. 

    Among the localities analysed, Msida, with the largest share of foreign population in Malta, had the smallest budget per capita. Since 2013, Marsa has had the smallest budget upgrade. The Gozitan localities enjoyed larger allocations.

    Accounting for inflation, local council budgets increased by more than half in only three of the localities under review: St Paul’s Bay, Sliema, and St Julian’s.

    When waste takes over 

    “The biggest headache we have is rubbish,” says Żebbuġ (Gozo) mayor Baskal Saliba.

    According to the European Environment Agency, the total amount of waste generated in Malta increased by 100% between 2010 and 2022. It increased by a further 7% in 2023.

    The largest contributor was construction and demolition, a consequence of the development boom required to accommodate Malta’s population growth.

    Municipal waste generation per capita has started decreasing since 2019, as has total waste generation, despite minor fluctuations during the 2020–2022 period. Yet, the visibility of waste in localities and the shifting responsibility for waste management have politicised the issue.

    Data shows that councils received numerous complaints about late or lacking waste collection: Marsaskala was receiving 16 per week in 2022, Żabbar received over 700 in 2024. However, some councils did not have a system to log such complaints. 

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    A 2023 study on online hate speech in Malta found that hateful social media comments often dehumanised migrants by associating them with dirt or waste. The researchers noted that the Maltese words “żibel”, “ħmieġ”, and “imbarraz” appeared particularly frequently..

    The government has attempted to address the issue. In 2020, it announced the regionalisation of waste management, intending to achieve economies of scale.

    “We have to admit that when the regions took over the waste collection tenders, it failed—it failed in the sense that the plan to reduce black bags [mixed waste] didn’t work,” St Julian’s mayor Dalli told Amphora Media.

    Marsaskala mayor Mario Calleja is also unconvinced, warning that it has created a bureaucratic challenge and left him powerless. Msida mayor Charles Selvaggi went further, warning that it’s forcing people out of communities:

    “If you ask why native Maltese move out of Msida, they mention two reasons: too many foreigners, and the enormous waste problem we have in Msida, which is phenomenal,”he told Amphora Media.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    ‘Foreigners’, a seemingly catch-all term for residents, tourists and asylum seekers, often receives the blame, despite the clear distinctions between the groups.

    Marsaskala Mayor Calleja is critical of blaming resident foreigners for waste problems, instead pointing to the rise of short-term rentals.

    Gżira mayor Neville Chetcuti shares this view, observing that “the majority [of litterers] for sure are tourists. Especially those in short lets—they’re the ones who cause the most problems. Long lets—some here, some there—are not as bad. But the worst are the short lets.”

    Selvaggi is also cautious of placing the blame on ‘others’. “Everyone litters—we say foreigners because there are many foreigners living in Msida. Opposite the new government [housing] block, which is all Maltese, the problems are enormous.”

    Munxar mayor Schembri believes that in his locality, waste disposal contraventions are typically committed by migrant workers.

    “We see a big issue with waste separation, because they just don’t put out the waste on the scheduled day, and unfortunately, we mostly see this among third-country nationals,” he said, suggesting compulsory information sessions about waste for migrant workers.

    Since 2020, waste separation has been made mandatory.  In 2022, nearly 4,900 contraventions were issued.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Councils and Communities: A Shared Path Forward, Stepping Up When Central Government Will Not

    The National Strategic Vision for Local Government 2023-2030 promises that “Difficulties that may exist between Local Councils and Regional Councils will be scrutinised, followed up by an exercise through which a holistic list of guidelines could be created” without specifying how. With investment in local services low, Calleja’s approach to resolving various pressures relies on personal contact and networking.

     “We are in contact with the schools, with the church and everyone. In a community like ours, in Marsaskala, the mayor, the police inspector, the parish priest, the bank manager, and the heads of schools have to be united. If these people are united, then it could be easy to run the community,” he says.

    Kirstin Sonne, who has published a study on I Belong, a programme that offered courses to migrants, told Amphora Media that bringing migrants and educators allows persons from different communities to know one another and share practical advice.

    The programme took place at Malta’s central academic institutions. Sonne thinks that it would have been more impactful if it had a local character. 

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Speaking to Amphora Media, Mohamed Ibrahim, a Sudanese community leader, said that sometimes integration has to come from migrants themselves. An alumni of the I Belong programme, he explained that convincing others to join him was not easy.

    “It’s not easy to convince someone. It is up to us. I convinced very few.”

    “If you want to employ me but don’t understand you. How can I work with you? So [language] is very important. You have Maltese and English. So everyone has an opportunity.”

    Chetcuti of Gżira told Amphora that in his experience, inviting diverse communities to events at the council has not been fruitful, unless they are specifically targeted to migrants.

    The experience of the Migrant Women Association Malta shows that distance, on a small island plagued by bad traffic makes a difference in facilitating or impeding migrant women’s access to integration initiatives, and most women attending the programmes live close to the organisation’s hub in Ħamrun.

    The Nepali Malta Association is also a centre point for the Nepalese community in Malta. It has become a somewhat embassy in Malta, assisting its members in integrating and settling down in the country, while also addressing their issues.

    However, without sustained funding, it can be difficult to maintain.

    “We had something before. We used to study Maltese, English and some arts as well. Computers too. But because of COVID-19, we closed and we didn’t open it again,” Mohamed Ibrahim from the Sudanese community told Amphora Media.

    “Unfortunately, we didn’t [find government support]. We used to collect money to pay the rent, and we had to close it. We didn’t even try to find a place for us because the support there once was lost. Rent is not cheaper.”

    Sonne says that integration cannot be uncoupled from local infrastructures.

    “I think it would make more sense to invest in community events, or give local councils more money to create local infrastructure that people can use collectively. I think these kinds of organic ways of integrating, also putting a lot of resources into schools, that’s what could solve problems.”

    She concluded that “If there aren’t infrastructures and policies in place to accommodate a diverse population, then you are going to have so-called migration problems.”

    This investigation was developed with the support of Journalismfund Europe.

  • More People, Same Police, Bigger Budget: Malta’s Enforcement Struggles To Keep Pace With Migration

    More People, Same Police, Bigger Budget: Malta’s Enforcement Struggles To Keep Pace With Migration

    By Julian Bonnici, Daiva Repečkaitė and Sabrina Zammit
    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    • Malta’s population rose by 100,000 in a decade, while tourism doubled, straining public order and services.
    • Police numbers barely grew, up just 32 since 2017 despite sharp population and tourism increases.
    • Frontline ranks shrank, with fewer district constables and more civilian or reserve staff.
    • Officer shortages are acute — in Sliema, Msida, and Gzira, one officer serves about 700 residents.
    • Paceville and other hotspots lack stations, as reports in St Julian’s rose by over 40% since 2020.
    • Police spending more than doubled to €117 million in 2025, driven by overtime and allowances, not new hires.
    • Overtime costs jumped 860% in ten years, while staff numbers stayed flat.
    • Community policing covers little ground, with just 129 officers across 25 localities.
    • Migrants face language and trust barriers, limiting access to justice and protection.
    • Court delays persist, leaving victims and migrant families without case updates or closure.

    Malta’s population has swelled by more than 100,000 in the past decade, fuelled largely by migration. One in five residents is foreign, while record levels of tourism add further pressure.

    Yet investment in policing and enforcement has not kept pace. Despite a ballooning budget dominated by overtime and allowances, the number of officers serving communities has remained largely unchanged, leaving districts overstretched. Meanwhile, residents, both local and migrant, have concerns over safety and security.

    As of November 2024, Malta’s police force employed 2,405 people, just 32 more than in 2017, and about 500 more than in 2004, when the population was roughly 400,000.

    As of November 2024, Malta’s police force employed 2,405 people, 469 more than in 2004, when the population was roughly 400,000.

    In contrast, Malta’s estimated population now stands at approximately 574,000, with migration driving the current increase. 

    Tourism has also doubled in the past eleven years: inbound visitors rose from 1.5 million in 2013 to 3.5 million in 2024, adding an average of 62,000 extra people to the country every day.

    The strain is most visible at the community level. In Sliema, Msida, and Gżira, grouped as Police District 7, 67 officers serve nearly 50,000 residents, excluding the thousands of tourists who stay there during their holidays.

    That works out to roughly one police officer for every 700 residents, a ratio that stretches even further during the summer influx of tourists.

    Police District 7 is not an exception. Ħamrun and Marsa, grouped with Pietà and Santa Venera in Police District 2, have 56 officers for almost 32,200 residents, or about one officer for every 575 people.

    “If I had to mention something that is lacking in our locality, it’s the absence of a police station. One officer on his own can’t keep up with everything, but still a police station would create more security among residents,” Pietà’s mayor Stefano Savo told Amphora.

    Other areas fare even worse. In Gozo, the number of district officers across the island has actually decreased by 51 over 10 years. And it’s a thankless job, says Victoria’s mayor Brian Azzopardi. 

    “If a policeman does his job, he only gets insults in return,” he told Amphora Media.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    In St Julian’s, which has seen heavy migration and bears the brunt of over-tourism, officers must also police Paceville, Malta’s nightlife hub, notorious on TikTok for videos of fights, vandalism, and public urination.

    Yet Paceville has no police station of its own. Instead, the St Julian’s district station serves as the first point of contact for residents, even though its officers are not formally tasked with policing Paceville.

    St Julian’s and Swieqi fall under the same police district, yet between 2013 and 2025, the number of officers assigned there fell by four. This decline comes despite a sharp rise in demand: police reports in the district increased by more than 2,600, from 5,937 in 2020 to 8,607 in 2024.

    Valletta, which has become its own entertainment hub in the years before and following V18, also faces similar shortages. From 2013 to 2025, the number of officers within its police district fell by 32, despite reports increasing by 797. 

    Shifts in the composition of the force have also weakened frontline enforcement.

    Between 2013 and 2023, the number of police officer ranks grew by 434, primarily driven by sharp increases in civilian officers (+238) and reserve constables (+208). In 2013, there were no civilian officers and one reserve constable serving in the force. Numbers of inspectors and sergeants also rose, but the force lost 137 district police constables.

    Overall, district police numbers fell by 153, with only Qormi-Siġġiewi-Żebbuġ (+24) and Birkirkara-Balzan-Attard-Naxxar (+15) recording increases.

    Despite this, the money being spent on policing has soared.

    The 2025 police budget is set at €117.3 million, more than double the €53 million spent in 2013. Most of the growth came after 2018, when the budget stood at near €70 million. 

    Government budgetary documents indicate that the surge is primarily driven by rising overtime, allowances, and salaries, despite the police workforce expanding by only 14 personnel between 2018 and 2024.

    Overtime costs have soared from €1.3 million in 2013 and €4.2 million in 2018, to a projected €12.5 million in 2025, an 860%% increase in a decade. 

    Allowances have more than doubled, from around €12.2 million in 2018 to an estimated €23.95 million in 2025, while salaries rose from €42.4 million to €58.8 million over the same period. 

    The government also generously spends on private security firms.

    At the same time, police workload has increased sharply.

    Reports have been steadily rising, with more than 85,000 filed in both 2023 and 2024. With 731 district officers across Malta and Gozo, that averages out to roughly 115 reports per officer each year.

    Introducing Community Police to Address Gaps

    Authorities have sought to plug enforcement gaps with the introduction of community police officers, 129 of whom are deployed across 25 localities, resulting in a rate of one community police officer for every 4,027 residents. 

    Sliema has just three community officers, while St Julian’s has five. Ħamrun, Marsa, Santa Venera, and Pietà share nine between them; Msida, Gżira, and Ta’ Xbiex have four; Marsaskala also has five; and Birżebbuġa and Marsaxlokk share five.

    The entire island of Gozo has 12 community police officers.

    Umayma Elamin from the Migrant Women’s Association, based in Hamrun, praised the community policing programme, saying it has helped bridge the gap between migrants and authorities on local issues and has already facilitated meetings that bring the two communities closer together.

    “I’d like to see more police in the streets—to control the situation and make people aware that someone is watching them. So people become more conscious of their behaviour,” Gżira mayor Neville Chetcuti told Amphora.

    Umayma Elamin further explained that many victims of gender-based or sexual violence are reluctant to approach the police directly.

    Without proper translators, Umayma says, authorities are unable to help victims of serious crimes effectively.

    “I feel even if translated, there is still a lack of training when dealing with the victim,” she said.

    In a document sent to the Council of Europe, the government stated that “Police personnel undergo cultural competence training to enhance their ability to effectively communicate and engage with individuals from various ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic backgrounds.” Additionally, it noted that an Arabic-speaking Muslim officer was recruited to work in Marsa.

    No other examples of diverse recruitment in other localities were provided. Effective communication with migrant communities appears to remain an issue. 

    Enforcement without Justice

    Ultimately, enforcement is little without an efficient justice system. Like many Maltese residents, migrants also struggle with the country’s legal system, which suffers from some of the worst delays in Europe.

    Speaking to Amphora Media, representatives of the Nepal Malta Charity Organisation stated that while interactions with authorities are often positive, the justice system’s lengthy delays and lack of communication create significant problems.

    In recent years, several Nepalese nationals have died in Malta – most recently Khim Bahadur Pun, killed in a hit-and-run in August, and Gauri Kumari Baral, who died in January. Yet victims’ families and the wider community say they have received little to no information on the cases.

    There have also been no updates on Ajay Shrestha, who died in 2020 when a truck overturned on Triq Aldo Moro and collided with his motorcycle.

    Nepalese community representatives added that the safety of courier drivers remains a neglected concern. While some working conditions have improved, problems with unpaid wages, overtime, sick leave, and bonuses persist.

    “Every day we are facing an accident, no one is taking responsibility.

    This investigation was developed with the support of Journalismfund Europe.

  • Landscapes Of Change: Malta’s Integration Strategy Fails To Match Migration And Population Growth

    Landscapes Of Change: Malta’s Integration Strategy Fails To Match Migration And Population Growth

    By Daiva Repečkaitė, Julian Bonnici and Sabrina Zammit
    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Over time, the image of migrants has changed in Malta, from minorities in need of help to workers who “have supported the economy on multiple fronts”, shored up the pensions system and filled skills gaps

    Yet, Amphora Media’s review of national policies and EU-funded projects indicates that migrants have more often been seen as a problem to manage rather than fellow residents. 

    Only one local council in Malta and Gozo, Sliema, has managed to follow through with an EU-funded project related to migrant integration.

    Positive attitudes towards the Integration of migrants appeared to be gaining ground by 2021 compared to 2017. One in three Maltese respondents said that the government should consider integration of non-EU migration as its top priority, roughly half said it should be prioritised more.

    “Integration pathways have the potential to contribute to further wealth creation while fostering safe communities for everyone,” Parliamentary Secretary Rebecca Buttigieg proclaimed in the current Integration Strategy and Action Plan 2025-2030.

    But with tensions continuing to rise and politicians warning of Malta’s declining birthrate, have strategies and reforms actually brought about change?

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Asylum seekers placed in struggling communities

    In 2005, the government opened the Marsa Open Centre for asylum seekers. By the time the government closed it in 2024, the total number of asylum seekers housed in facilities of this type was under 200. 

    According to the latest data, Marsa’s population is around 5,600, and over a quarter of its residents are foreign. In 2011, the foreign population was 147; by 2022, it had increased to 1,561.

    “The introduction of an open centre [predominantly] for sub-Saharan African migrant men in 2005 saw a sudden shift in the demographic population of Marsa, as hundreds of socially marginalized men were relocated within a dilapidated trade school on the outskirts of the town, whilst others sought to take advantage of cheap rent in the area,” Sharon Attard wrote in her PhD dissertation.

    Back then, the locality was also “ageing” and “segregated”, according to the Kopin NGO. Based on her fieldwork in Marsa for her PhD, Attard concluded that after the open centre opened its native-born residents felt “forgotten”.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Marsa also housed a heavy-fuel oil power station built in the 1950s, until 2014. It was among 622 facilities in the EU that contributed the most to the costs of environmental damage. 

    According to the Housing Authority, the average price for a two-bedroom apartment in the area is €600, well below the €1,200 price in areas like Sliema and St Julian’s, which host more affluent migrants.

    When Kopin, a human rights NGO,  interviewed African residents of Marsa about their experience in 2017, the interviewees mentioned racial profiling and unfair treatment by the police. Yet they added that the availability of affordable housing and jobs kept them in the locality, where some of them eventually opened their own shops.

    Issues do remain in the area. Recently, the government launched an urban regeneration project for Marsa. As of 2024, Marsa has a comparatively high council budget per capita, with almost €686,700.  But when accounting for inflation, it has increased by less than a quarter since 2013.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    For a time, the Sudanese community had premises in Hamrun, which is within walking distance from Marsa, for various upskilling and community-building activities. The centre even ended up in the official programme of the Valletta European Capital of Culture events.

    “We used to study Maltese, English and some arts as well, computer [literacy too],” says Sudanese community leader Mohamed Ibrahim. He explained that it was difficult to pay rent for the premises. After losing the physical space to gather, the community is not that active, even though Sudanese asylum seekers continue coming to Malta.

    Workers in focus

    According to researchers behind a 2023 study, when Maltese residents considered themselves victims of population developments, they blamed asylum seekers arriving by boat for this. But migrants in Malta are not limited to asylum seekers. Malta’s booming economy has attracted people from all over the world to work. 

    A 2005 document focusing on irregular migrants highlights the differences in policy challenges compared to today. 

    Irregular migration posed “challenges to the labour market”, it said. However, Malta already had a low unemployment rate, compared to other EU countries, and only 3.2% of residents were foreign citizens at the time.

    According to the Central Bank, between 2007 and 2018, there were more EU than non-EU workers registered in Malta, fuelled by economic crises, particularly from countries such as Italy, the UK, and Bulgaria.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    In 2017, the government simplified the procedures for employing non-EU workers, and by 2018, the net immigration of non-EU nationals outnumbered EU nationals.

    In an interview with The Malta Independent in 2018, Clyde Caruana, then chairman of JobsPlus, stated that JobsPlus was pursuing the employment of third-country nationals to sustain Malta’s economic growth and its pension system. 

    “If the economy continues to grow we will have to import foreigners no questions asked. If we don’t, the economy will grow at a smaller rate,” he said.

    By 2021, the Malta Chamber of Commerce, Enterprise and Industry called on the government to reform taxation in a way that “attracts not detracts foreigners from working in Malta” and to launch “an international marketing campaign showcasing Malta as a career destination”.

    Today, the issue identified in policy is high turnover of foreign workers, and one of the strategic objectives is “better working conditions, matching of skills and upskilling”. The National Employment Policy 2021-2030 acknowledged that “the inflow of migrant workers played a key contributing force to Malta’s buoyant labour market.” 

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Workers in the gambling sector (so-called iGaming) are a special case. According to the Malta Gaming Authority, close to 9,900 foreigners were working in the online gambling sector.

    They are not mentioned in the migrant integration strategy, but the Labour Migration Strategy promotes exemptions for the gambling sector from seeking to employ a Maltese/EU/EEA national first before offering a job to a non-EU national, and from limiting the maximum number of non-EU nationals upon recommendation of Gaming Malta.

    It is difficult to find precise data on the integration of gambling sector employees, but, according to the Gambling Insider magazine, Sliema, Msida, Gzira and St. Julians are “well known for housing international (and local) iGaming workers”, and these settlement patterns have reshaped Malta’s housing landscape.

    The localities also face signficant over tourism.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Malta, its Government and the attempts at Integration Policy 

    The Labour Party came to power in 2013, and the same month, the Ministry for Social Dialogue, Consumer Affairs and Civil Liberties was set up, tasked, among other duties, with migrant integration.

    By the end of 2015, it had announced an integration project, hosted a conference on integration, set up an integration portal with the International Organization for Migration and launched a public consultation on integration.

    A 2016 archived copy of the government’s integration website shows attempts to set up a portal of advice and information for foreigners in Malta, with sections on education, health and ‘social issues’. Among other things, it promised free childcare to non-EU nationals’ children, as long as the parents work or study in Malta.

    At the time, under 13% of Malta’s population was foreign, nearly equally shared between EU and non-EU nationals. This balance shifted in favour of non-EU nationals in 2018.

    In 2017, a new strategy document promising a “stronger framework for integration” was introduced. In it, then-Minister Helena Dalli wrote, “For Government, it is important that no individual or community feels isolated from those around them.” 

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    The document promised that “A migrant integration perspective should be incorporated in all sectors, such as education, employment, health, social services and other sectors, and at all levels and stages”. It launched the I Belong programme, where any migrant, from the EU or not, would submit a request, receive guidance by cultural mediators and an app, and attend language and cultural orientation classes.

    Mohamed Ibrahim, a Sudanese community leader who spoke to Amphora, praised the programme’s interesting content and good teachers, but admitted it was not easy to convince others to sign up for the course.

    Kirstin Sonne, who has published an academic study on the programme, told Amphora Media that the way the programme is designed encourages a specific kind of migrants – those who have already made headway in Maltese society. “

    A couple of people said that it would be more helpful if they had done it much earlier. After living in Malta for five years, you don’t really need to be told about the festa. You’ve seen it many, many times. So, there was a sense that this would be good when you first arrive,” she said.

    She is critical of using the programme as a requirement for migrants to access rights.

    “The whole concept of integration is, I think, problematic. What is the Maltese society? Is it really a homogeneous thing that you can integrate into? If there aren’t infrastructures and policies in place to accommodate a diverse population, then you are going to have migration problems,” she said.

    Evaluators of the programme noted that their milestones were ‘vague’ and there was no evidence that evaluation was conducted.

    According to African Media Association Malta, despite their vital role in the integration process, “NGOs in Malta face significant challenges in their efforts to support migrants. Funding is available, but the administrative red tape can be daunting”, also, “inefficiencies and duplication of services” emerge when the government and NGOs carry out similar actions.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco

    Where did the funding go?

    Malta has benefited from EU funding for migration-related policies under different funding instruments: the European Integration Fund, the European Refugee Fund,and later the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF).

    These funds were open to government entities, NGOs, local councils and others. During the 2014-2020 period, when AMIF funds were disbursed, 24 projects received €21.7 million from the EU – of these more than €20.2 million went to the central government and only €1.4 million to everyone else.

    The AMIF was used, for example, to isolate asylum seekers with infectious diseases (nearly €467,000) and build walls at an open centre (over €102,600). Implementation of the government’s integration strategy, including the I Belong programme, received €1.4 million from the EU – more than all NGOs combined.

    By examining the treatment of migrants that received EU funding, it is clear that the bulk of EU funds went towards improving reception conditions for asylum seekers, followed by education initiatives (including I Belong) and healthcare. Removal of migrants from Malta by return or relocation was also quite prominent.

     During the 2021–2027 period, the bulk of AMIF funding in Malta was directed to government-managed programmes. Of the €33 million allocated across 12 projects, the majority went to government entities, with only a small share reaching NGOs and other organisations.

    Most funding supported reception of asylum seekers, followed by policy support—including implementation of the government’s integration strategy—and health services, while migrant return and removal operations also remained significant.

    All this time the only local council to receive support from these funds was that of Sliema, during the 2013-2020 period. 

    Over the decades, Maltese authorities published three evaluations on EU-funded border, asylum and migration measures.

    Two of these documents are a summary of projects in different countries and do not mention migrants at all. The third one was done before the activities were completed and acknowledged that it was too early to say whether it added value.

    Relevant government entities do not publish evaluation reports on their policies online, making it difficult for outsiders to analyse what has been achieved, if anything, during the years of integration policy.

    As for the European Social Fund, all published evaluations were ex ante, meaning they were conducted before the programmes began.

    We sent questions to various responsible ministries and the Parliamentary Secretary for Equality and Reforms. They did not reply.

    Beth Cachia, who works at the Jesuit Refugee Service, believes that integration policy should not rest on a series of EU-funded projects. “An integration strategy should be a structural thing that the government produces, not as part of an EU-funded project,” she told Amphora Media.

    This investigation was developed with the support of Journalismfund Europe.

    Photo credit: Joanna Demarco
  • FATTI: Is Malta “full-up”?

    FATTI: Is Malta “full-up”?

    “Malta is full-up.”

    You’ve heard it before: at the dinner table, on the street, or from politicians across the spectrum.

    It’s a bipartisan refrain, invoked by figures from both of Malta’s major parties, each wielding it to serve different agendas, be it economic strategy, asylum policy, public service pressures, infrastructure strain, or concerns over public safety.

    The latest to join the chorus is Nationalist Party (PN) MP Ivan Castillo, who wrote on Facebook:

    “Everyone knows it, although few have the courage to say it. (…) Malta is full-up. (…)  Overpopulation is the main problem. ”

    But does perception match reality? Our latest FATTI explores the narrative.

    Castillo, who called for using more AI and automation instead of foreign workers, is not the first or last politician to claim that Malta is “full-up”.

    In 2020, both Prime Minister Robert Abela and then-PN Leader and current leadership candidate Adrian Delia employed the “full up” narrative. 

    “Let’s have a common policy on regular immigration. Its central theme must be that our country is full up. […] This message must come, not just from the government, but from the government, the opposition, and civil society… our country is full up. Our country cannot handle more immigration,” Abela said at the time, about the arrival of asylum seekers.

    “The position regarding the arrivals of boat immigrants, that is, irregular immigrants, must remain one that Malta is full up,” he said another time.

    This year, in a consultation document on labour migration, Abela admitted that before the framework was developed, the labour migration market had been “unregulated”.

    Prime Minister Robert Abela

    Delia, meanwhile, said: “We are full, we have no space, our open centres are packed, overcrowded. […] This situation was brought about by this government. “Why? Because for six years it has been importing people with open doors: ‘come, come, come, we need people’.”

    Alex Borg, who is competing with Delia to become the next PN leader, recently said in a televised debate, “We do have a problem with the number [of foreigners], because the current government does not invest in infrastructure”, implying that people would not be complaining about population growth if infrastructure were adequate.

    Malta is the most densely populated EU country, leaving the runner-up, the Netherlands, far behind.

    Various indicators indicate an increasing demand for new resources and infrastructure in Malta, driven by population growth.

    The latest census (2021) showed that the population had grown by more than 100,000 over the past decade, while the foreign population had increased fivefold since 2011 and now surpassed 20%.

    Between 2022 and 2023 alone, Malta‘s population increased by 4%, or 21,564 new residents.

    Do asylum seekers and refugees play a role?

    This year, almost 0.2% of asylum seekers arriving in Europe via Mediterranean routes ended up in Malta.

    In 2023, the UNHCR reported that 11,412 refugees resided in Malta, alongside 2,005 asylum seekers, compared to a Maltese citizen population of almost 405,000 and a foreign population of around 148,000.

    This means that people with pending asylum cases or granted protection are around 9% of foreigners in Malta.

    If we add the 738 rejected asylum seekers still living in Malta (data until March 2023), the migrants arriving via the asylum route are around 10% of the foreigners in Malta. 

    Asylum seekers, refugees, TCNs – what’s the difference?

    Third-country nationals (TCNs) are non-EU nationals who do not have free movement rights in the EU – this includes Brits but not Norwegians, because Norway is a member of the European Economic Area, where free movement of workers applies. 

    Asylum seekers are non-EU nationals who have asked for protection and their cases are being processed;

    Refugees are those who were forced to flee their country and cannot return.

    The claims that Malta was under disproportionate pressure from asylum seekers may have rung true in between 2011 and 2013, when Malta was No. 1 in the EU in terms of asylum seekers per population.

    After years of hovering around four asylum seekers per 1,000 inhabitants, the number increased to 8.14 in 2019, making Malta the second-highest in the EU after Cyprus.

    By 2023, Malta was no longer among the top 10 EU countries in terms of asylum applications per capita. Other small countries, notably Cyprus, Luxembourg and Estonia, processed more asylum claims per 1,000 inhabitants than Malta.

    Under 200 lived in government-maintained open centres in 2024 – down from 1,621 in 2019. Only 701 applications for asylum were lodged, while there are 1,497 pending cases.

    Labour migrants come through different channels. 

    In an interview with The Malta Independent in 2018, Clyde Caruana, then chairman of JobsPlus, stated that JobsPlus was pursuing the employment of third-country nationals to sustain Malta’s economic growth and its pension system.

    “If the economy continues to grow, we will have to import foreigners, no questions asked. If we don’t, the economy will grow at a smaller rate,” he said.

    When the pandemic began and many non-EU workers reportedly repatriated, then-Finance Minister Edward Scicluna told the press:

    “When the private sector began to grow and could not find local workers, then naturally they began searching in Europe for workers,” he was quoted as saying to the Malta Independent.

    By 2021, the Malta Chamber of Commerce called on the government to reform taxation in a way that “attracts, not detracts, foreigners from working in Malta” and to launch “an international marketing campaign showcasing Malta as a career destination”.

    Specific key sectors attract foreign (EU and non-EU workers) to Malta.

    The latest Eurostat data show that there were 34,000 workers from other EU countries and 97,000 workers from non-EU countries.

    According to the latest report by the Malta Gaming Authority (MGA), there were 7,554 non-Maltese workers in online activities licensed by MGA and 422 in casinos in 2024 – nearly three-quarters of all workers in both cases.

    Almost 10,000 non-EU workers were employed in the hospitality and ancillary sectors in 2022.

    Other factors, including traffic and tourism, also contribute to the pressure on infrastructure and services, with the government’s plan to bring in up to 4.5 million tourists in 2035 already raising concerns.

    In 2023:

    • Tourists spent 20 million nights, at points bringing an average of nearly 56 thousand additional users of infrastructure and services on any given day.
    • 6,863 EU citizens and 33,120 third-country nationals moved to Malta, while 5,952 EU citizens and 13,560 third-country nationals moved out, increasing to 911 EU and 19,560 non-EU citizens.
    • There were more vehicles than Maltese citizens (although fewer than total residents) on the islands – nearly 439 thousand vehicles in total.

    In 2023, for every thousand Maltese citizens shared space and infrastructure with:

    • 101 tourists,
    • 267 resident foreign citizens, 
    • among them, 21 refugees,
    • Only four asylum seekers.

    Inbound tourists in 2024 amounted to 3,563,618, while total nights surpassed 22.9 million – a 19.5% increase compared to 2023. 

    Malta being “full-up” will always be a matter of perception. However, the causes behind Malta’s overpopulation issues are clear – and have little to do with men, women and children seeking asylum in the country.

    Malta’s high population density may contribute to the feeling that the country is ‘full-up’ and its resources are stretched.

    However, it is not sharing the limited space and resources with refugees and asylum seekers that creates a strain: a Maltese resident shares them with four times as many tourists and 11 times as many immigrants who came to Malta for other reasons.

    Instead, it is a longstanding policy to import legal foreign labour and supercharge the tourism sector and the national econom,y which is significantly contributing to the population growth in the country. 

    Malta was seeing increases in asylum applications in 2018-2019 and, for a time, topped the EU list of countries with a high rate of asylum seekers. Five years later, none of the urgency (understandable at the time) is justified.

    Today, the claim that Malta is full-up with refugees and asylum seekers is false – and it’s the narratives surrounding economic growth built on population growth, whether that’s employment or tourism, that need to be challenged.

    This project is supported by the European Media and Information Fund. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the authors and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

  • Logged Pushbacks to Libya from Malta’s SAR Zone Triple Since 2020, Over 5,000 People Forced Back

    Logged Pushbacks to Libya from Malta’s SAR Zone Triple Since 2020, Over 5,000 People Forced Back

    By Joanna Demarco and Sabrina Zammit
    • Over 5000 people have been pushed back to Libya since 2020
    • Distress calls have quadrupled from 136 in 2020 to 589 in 2023
    • Almost 80 boats pushed back to Libya since 2020
    • Malta’s policy, led by Alex Dalli in Libya, includes ‘specialised training’ in ‘sniping’, ‘storming’, among others, an analysis by Amphora reveals

    Pushbacks from Malta’s Search and Rescue (SAR) Zone have tripled since 2020, with over 5,000 people documented to have been pulled back by Libyan actors, new data shining a light on activities shrouded in secrecy for the first time, and seen by Amphora Media, reveals.

    The data collected from numerous civil fleets and NGOs such as Alarm Phone and the Civil Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (CMRCC) Search and Rescue Archive, between 2020 and 2024, collated into a database focused on Malta’s SAR zone by the Malta Migration Archive, sheds light on activities for which the government’s lack of transparency has frequently been criticised.

    The data also reveals that over the five years, documented distress calls from boats in Malta’s Search and Rescue Zone carrying migrants at sea have increased significantly: from 136 in 2020 to 589 in 2023 and 554 in 2024.

    However, despite this boom, the data shows that rescues by the Armed Forces of Malta (AFM) to the documented distress calls declined dramatically over the same period.

    Additionally, the stark incline in pushbacks coincides with a change in Malta’s political arrangements in the region and the tenure of Malta’s Special Envoy to Libya, Alexander Dalli. Dalli, Malta’s former prison director, who was found to run a prison that allegedly  degraded inmates and faced allegations of fear-mongering and racism, was given the role of special envoy in December 2021, soon after stepping down from his role as prison chief amid following the third reported inmate suicide that year.

    Pushbacks Increase Significantly

    An analysis of the data by Amphora Media shows that over 5,100 people in a total of 79 boats were recorded as having been intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard while in Malta’s Search and Rescue Zone between 2020 and 2024.

    Returning migrants to Libya has been declared illegal by the European Court of Human Rights, due to the lack of safety, violence, danger and severe human rights violations in the country.

    The archived data shows that pushbacks, which are described by the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights as actions that ‘involve the summary return of refugees, asylum seekers and migrants by states without the observance of the necessary human rights safeguards’ have been on a steady increase since 2020. With:

    • 7 pushbacks recorded in 2020
    • 12 in 2021
    • 19 in 2022
    • 20 in 2023
    • 23 in 2024
    Number of logged pushbacks by year. Source: Malta Migration Archive

    A count of the number of people on each boat that was intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard shows that 5,114 people have been returned to Libya in that timeframe.

    While a total of 383 were recorded on the boats in 2020, 1065 were recorded in 2024. 2023 registered the highest number of people, with 1940.

    In 2023, four boats were pushed back with an exceptionally high number of people on each: 500 in one, 300 each in two others, and 250 in a fourth.

    Number of boats pushed back per year by case, including how many people were on each boat. Source: Malta Migration Archive.

    The archive uses the term ‘so-called Libyan Coast Guard’ to question the functionality, legality and legitimacy of  “the various bodies and militias in Libya involved in pushbacks, including the EU’s partner, the Libyan Coast Guard associated with the Tripoli Government of National Unity, and the Tariq Ben Zayed Brigade, a militia within Haftar’s Libyan National Army in Eastern Libya.”

    In 2023, the UN Fact Finding Mission on Libya noted that ‘high-ranking staff of the Libyan Coast Guard… colluded with traffickers and smugglers, which are reportedly connected to militia groups, in the context of the interception and deprivation of liberty of migrants.’

    AFM Rescues Decline

    Source: DOI

    As the documented pushbacks increased, data collected by the archive also shows that rescues of the boats in distress by the Armed Forces of Malta moved in the opposite direction.

    The archive documents:

    • 21 boat rescues in response to distress calls in 2020
    • 8 in 2021
    • 4 in 2022
    • 5 in 2023
    • 2 in 2024  
    Number of logged distress calls and rescues by the Armed Forces of Malta, by year. Source: Malta Migration Archive

    Official figures published by United Nations’ Refugee Agency (UNHCR) corroborate this downward trend. The number of persons arriving to Malta by boat shrinks significantly with every passing year:

    • 2,281 in 2020
    • 832 in 2021
    • 444 in 2022
    • 380 in 2023
    • 238 in 2024
    Number of boat arrivals to Malta every year. Source: UNHCR Malta


    Abandoned at Sea

    ​​Documentation of distress calls tracked by civil fleets and collated by the Malta Migration Archive depicts how, over the years, people have been left adrift in Malta’s SAR zone, ignored by authorities, abandoned by passing ships, or pushed back to Libya.

    Under international law—and reinforced by EU legal principles—Malta is obliged to promptly respond to distress calls in its SAR zone.

    These duties are codified in conventions such as the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue, which require states to ensure that assistance is rendered without delay or discrimination to persons in distress at sea.”

    For example, on 22nd February 2023, 34 people on a fibreglass boat without life jackets, food, or water called Alarm Phone for help. According to Alarm Phone, Malta took no action. The next day, some people reportedly died on board. Although several merchant ships and a Frontex plane were nearby, it was a boat assumed to belong to the Italian Coast Guard, not Malta’s army, that finally rescued the survivors.

    This was not an isolated case. On 9th April 2023, Alarm Phone reported how Malta instructed merchant vessels to not carry out a rescue on a vessel with some 400 people in distress.

    After two days drifting, they were reportedly finally rescued by the Italian Coast Guard, Frontex and merchant ships. 

    On 23rd May of the same year, 500 people, including five children and pregnant women, were reportedly left adrift for over a day. The NGO reported relatives of the people on board claiming that the vessel in distress had been intercepted by a Libyan militia and forcibly dragged back to the port of Benghazi in Libya. Indeed, after their vessel disappeared in Malta’s search and rescue zone the 500 people reappeared in a prison in Benghazi.

    Similar patterns occurred in 2020 to 2022, when Sea-Watch and Alarm Phone documented repeated failures to respond to distress calls. 

    In July 2021, Malta reportedly ordered an oil tanker not to rescue people, even after spotting individuals in the water. Reportedly, three people died. In another, the Libyan Coast Guard carried out an interception in Malta’s zone while Frontex drones circled above, suggesting Frontex’s involvement.

    The documentation also shows how when the AFM do intervene, it can take over 18 or even 48 hours after distress alerts.

    Special Envoy to Libya

    Alexander Dalli (right) with the Libya Spokesman of the Ministry of Interior for Public Affairs Major General Mahmoud Saeed . Source: Undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior for Public Affairs, Facebook.

    In 2020, Malta and Libya signed a memorandum of understanding announcing the creation of coordination centres in Valletta and Tripoli to “liaise between the two capitals and offer the necessary support relating to combating illegal immigration in Libya and the Mediterranean region.”

    The document also states the intention for Malta to request financial support from the European Commission for providing border control technologies, dismantling human trafficking networks, curtailing organised crime operations, maritime assets, and more, within the search and rescue region in the Mediterranean Basin.

    Then, at the end of 2021, despite numerous media and NGO reports on suicides and human rights abuses inside the Corradino prison facility, Dalli, a former Frontex-seconded national expert, resigned from his position as prison director in disgrace and, was soon given the role of Malta’s Special Envoy to Libya focusing on “combatting illegal migration”, where he is obliged to coordinate on matters listed in the 2020 agreement.

    In January this year, Malta’s Ombudsman published a damning report corroborating the reports following his “own initiative” probe into the Corradino facility under Dalli’s tenure. In the investigation, interviewees spoke about how Dalli was running a so-called “factory of evil”– described as such by one witness – where numerous instances of violence, human rights abuses and inhumane treatment were found.

    Besides the description mentioned in the MOU, Dalli’s role and day-to-day tasks in Libya have not been disclosed.

    However, Prime Minister Robert Abela has publicly boasted to reporters about Malta’s decreasing number of boat arrivals. In February, defending Dalli following the Ombudsman’s report, Abela told reporters that Dalli is “performing miracles towards controlling irregular immigration.”

    “Malta “is winning the fight against irregular migration,” he said.

    Dalli’s ‘Specialised Training’ Sessions in Libya

    Alexander Dalli (front right) at a meeting with Libya’s General Administration of Training at the Ministry of Interior. Source: General Administration of Training at the Ministry of Interior of the State of Libya, Facebook.

    Despite an information blackout surrounding Dalli’s role, and questions to the Home Affairs Ministry about the role that have gone unanswered, an open source investigation by Amphora Media has found more information about what Malta’s Special Envoy is up to.

    An analysis of social media posts by Libya’s Interiors Ministry and the ‘General Administration of Training at the Ministry of Interior of the State of Libya’ show that, in 2022 and 2023, Dalli has been involved in numerous ‘specialised training’ programmes in Libya, including a training on ‘sniping’.

    In a Facebook post from August 2023, Dalli is quoted as being present at a meeting with Libyan officials “to discuss the training course programme scheduled to be held in the field of security field work (storming, landing, sniping).  

    In fact, specialised training programmes are mentioned in at least three separate instances in meetings between Dalli and Libyan officials. In June 2023, Dalli met officials together with Colonel Etienne Scicluna, where the two discussed “specialised courses… in the field of training for the rehabilitation and sharpening of the security and police personnel of the Ministry of Interior and benefiting from the experiences of the Maltese side in this regard.”

    In another meeting with the spokesperson of the Libyan Ministry of Interior for Public Affairs, Major General Mahmoud Saeed in October 2022, Dalli discussed how to “put necessary measures to limit the flow” of illegal migration.

    Meanwhile, Prime Minister Robert Abela has continued to highlight the decrease in the number of migrant vessel arrivals to Malta – describing Malta’s situation as a ‘success’ thanks to ‘government policy’.

    The Home Affairs Ministry did not respond to Amphora Media’s questions that arose from the findings mentioned in this article.